Iran International
Tehran state-affiliated media are hinting that Judiciary Chief Gholamhossein Mohseni Ejei could soon be appointed by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei to head the Guardian Council, the powerful body that vets election candidates and approves parliament’s legislation.
The strongest signal came last week from the Revolutionary Guards-linked Fars News Agency, which described the potential move as a “necessary transition in governance.”
The council’s current chairman, ultra-conservative cleric Ahmad Jannati, will turn 99 next February. He was appointed to the post more than three decades ago and has become increasingly absent from public view.
The timing has also drawn attention because Ejei—himself appointed judiciary chief by Khamenei—is approaching the end of his term.
‘Instill hope’
Beyond the passage of time, Fars floated two additional explanations: resolving tensions between Ejei and President Massoud Pezeshkian over the enforcement of compulsory hijab laws and countering what it described as efforts by “domestic and foreign actors” to depict the Islamic Republic as being in crisis.
According to the agency, these actors are amplifying signs of internal discord—pointing to the resignation of Vice President Javad Zarif last year and rumors Vice President Mohammad Reza Aref may follow suit—as evidence of an intensifying succession struggle.
The commentary ultimately stressed that the Guardian Council ranks above the Judiciary in the political hierarchy and framed Ejei’s transfer as a promotion rather than a demotion, calling for swift action to “calm the political and social atmosphere and instill hope among the nation.”
‘Hope it’s not true’
The issue has since been widely debated across Tehran’s media.
Mohammad Mohajeri, a former Kayhan editor who later became a conservative commentator, said Jannati’s departure would be “good news” after years of what he described as “questionable” candidate vetting. But he added: “I hope it is not true.”
Speaking to Fararu, Mohajeri said Ejei would “most probably improve the Guardian Council,” warning that his exit from the Judiciary could slow or reverse what he saw as modest positive changes there.
Others were more critical. Some dissidents and outspoken lawyers rejected the idea of Ejei’s “promotion,” arguing that he should instead be held accountable for his record as judiciary chief.
During his tenure, at least two senior judicial officials were tried and convicted on financial corruption charges.
Another hardliner in line?
Moderate outlets, including the Tehran daily Shargh, suggested the move was effectively settled, citing “behind-the-scenes jockeying” by hardline factions to position themselves for Ejei’s departure.
The judiciary chief’s post is traditionally reserved for figures within the Supreme Leader’s trusted inner circle, reflecting the institution’s control over the prison system and its central role in suppressing dissent.
Several media outlets have pointed to Mohammad Jafar Montazeri, the hardline head of Iran’s Supreme Court, as Ejei’s likely successor. Montazeri is known for his strict stance on hijab enforcement but has not previously been regarded as part of Khamenei’s closest circle.
Avaye Latif, a website close to the Judiciary, wrote that Montazeri’s appointment would amount to “the continuation of judicial management by someone with a long history in this institution.”
The message emerged at a joint meeting between media and tourism officials hosted by the strategic council of Iran’s Ministry of Cultural Heritage, Tourism and Handicrafts and the media affairs department of the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance, according to ISNA.
Participants said tourism increasingly depends on professional narrative-building to counter negative perceptions and present Iran’s security and cultural capacity to foreign audiences.
Officials argued that media should move beyond a passive role and become an active partner in promoting tourism and related industries.
Mohammadreza Norouzpour, deputy media affairs minister, said tourism cannot gain visibility without media engagement and that effective communication requires sustained, credible storytelling.
He said developing a participatory model between media and tourism actors was essential to reposition the sector domestically and internationally.
Speaking at the meeting, Mohsen Haji Saeid, head of the tourism working group and chairman of the national association of tour guides, said restoring Iran’s image abroad – especially following the recent conflict – was now the core issue facing the tourism industry.
He criticized traditional promotional approaches and called for a comprehensive information bank to present data on safety and tourism potential.
Other speakers emphasized the role of private-sector participation, health tourism, visual content, and the use of tour guides as cultural ambassadors.
Officials also discussed leveraging major international events, such as the World Cup, to amplify Iran’s narrative.
The meeting concluded with agreement to continue the tourism working group’s activities on a permanent, issue-driven basis, aimed at strengthening media-tourism coordination and improving perceptions of Iran among domestic and international audiences.
Pollack’s assessment comes as Iran faces overlapping crises at home and abroad.
The country is under intense economic strain, social dissent has become more visible and the Islamic Republic is recalibrating after military setbacks suffered by the June war with Israel.
Yet despite the pressure, Pollack said the system remains intact for a simple reason.
“Revolutions only succeed when regimes lose either the capacity or the willingness to use force,” he said. “The Islamic Republic learned from 1979. It is determined not to repeat the Shah’s mistake.”
“There is no question this country is in a pre-revolutionary state,” Pollack added. “They’re trying to have a revolution.”
Pollack pointed to Iran’s long cycle of unrest, tracing repeated efforts to challenge the Islamic Republic back to the 1999 student uprising.
Since then, protest waves have erupted every few years, including nationwide demonstrations and the women-led revolt that followed the death of Mahsa Amini in morality police custody.
Each time, he said, the population pushed harder, experimented with new tactics and widened the social base of dissent.
What stopped those efforts, Pollack said, was not a lack of public anger but the clerical establishment's consistent readiness to deploy force.
Pollack said episodes of unrest, such as at a public memorial service on Friday for a lawyer who died under mysterious circumstances, highlight the paradox defining Iran today: visible cracks in social control paired with an unflinching security response.
Looking ahead, Pollack identified the eventual death of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei as the most serious potential inflection point.
At 86, the health of the veteran theocrat has become a subject of quiet speculation even inside Iran. Succession, Pollack warned, can destabilize authoritarian systems by exposing elite rivalries or paralyzing decision-making.
“Succession can just as easily lead to chaos, fragmentation or something worse,” he warned. “These systems often survive by becoming more repressive, not less.”
Pollack also criticized US policy for focusing too narrowly on Iran’s nuclear program while sidelining Iran's regional behavior and domestic repression. He warned that treating nuclear negotiations as the central problem risks missing broader forces shaping Iran’s future.
“The nuclear program is an irritant,” he said. “The real issue is the regime’s drive to dominate the region and its willingness to repress its own population to survive.”
For now, Pollack said, Iran remains suspended in a dangerous middle ground: a society actively trying to change its political fate and a state still capable of stopping it.
“These regimes can endure for a long time,” he said. “But when they finally break, it usually happens faster than anyone expects.”
