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INSIGHT

Tehran divided over what Khamenei MoU message really meant

Maryam Sinaiee
Maryam Sinaiee

Iran International

Jun 20, 2026, 01:09 GMT+1
Women attend a Muharram mourning ceremony while holding a portrait of Iran's Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei, Tehran, June 16, 2026
Women attend a Muharram mourning ceremony while holding a portrait of Iran's Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei, Tehran, June 16, 2026

A message attributed to Iran’s Supreme Leader suggesting he had reservations about the agreement with the United States has sparked a fierce debate in Tehran, with hardliners and moderates offering sharply different interpretations of its meaning and implications.

According to the message, Mojtaba Khamenei had "a different view in principle" regarding the memorandum but approved it after receiving assurances from the Supreme National Security Council (SNSC) and its chairman, President Masoud Pezeshkian, that Iran’s rights and the interests of the "Axis of Resistance" would be safeguarded.

The statement quickly produced competing narratives. Supporters of the government presented it as a roadmap for the next phase of diplomacy, while critics argued it showed the leader’s preferred approach had been sidelined during negotiations.

Pezeshkian said the message had "clarified the responsibility of all influential components in the upcoming negotiation process."

Parliament Speaker and lead negotiator Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf said it strengthened Tehran’s hand in holding Washington to its commitments under the memorandum.

Leader ‘ignored’

Hardline media outlets and political figures offered a starkly different reading, arguing that the message showed the leader’s views had not been fully reflected in the negotiation process.

The conservative website Raja News described Pezeshkian’s response as disrespectful, writing: "Mr. Pezeshkian, your duty is obedience and compliance, not merely consideration."

The outlet also criticized Ghalibaf’s comments, arguing that he appeared to treat the leader’s conditions as negotiating leverage rather than binding red lines.

"It seems he has forgotten that the leader’s red lines are not bargaining tools in negotiations but mandatory boundaries by which his future performance will be judged," the website wrote.

Mohsen Maghsoudi, writing for Fars News Agency, argued that opponents of negotiations had effectively been vindicated because their position had been aligned with that of the leader.

He claimed that "the compromise camp" had made decisions on behalf of both society and officials and that "the principled view of the Guardian Jurist was not followed."

Kian Abdollahi, editor-in-chief of IRGC-linked Tasnim News Agency, wrote that if officials advanced the memorandum despite knowing the leader held a different view, they bore responsibility for the consequences.

Competing narratives

Analysts offered sharply different interpretations of the political significance of the message.

Political analyst Ruhollah Rahimpour argued that Khamenei was seeking to reassure hardliners that he had not abandoned his previous positions and had accepted the agreement only because of state interests and the guarantees he received.

"But this manner of expression unintentionally reveals a reality," he wrote.

"The agreement is so costly and controversial for part of the power structure that the leader of the Islamic Republic felt compelled to clear himself of blame before defending it."

Political analyst Shahir Shahid Saless argued that the statement implicitly acknowledged direct negotiations with Washington, noting that the reference to "future face-to-face talks" amounted to recognition of direct engagement with the United States.

Historian and commentator Abdollah Shahbazi argued that the message would increase pressure on Ghalibaf, Pezeshkian and Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi from opponents of the memorandum.

He also compared the statement to former leader Ali Khamenei’s habit of maintaining distance from controversial decisions while allowing them to proceed.

The 'poisoned chalice'

The debate quickly spread to social media, where some users compared the statement to Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini’s acceptance of the ceasefire that ended the Iran-Iraq War.

But while Khomeini openly accepted responsibility for the decision, famously describing it as "drinking a chalice of poison," critics argued Mojtaba Khamenei’s message emphasized his reservations before endorsing the agreement.

Moderate commentators rejected suggestions that the leader was attempting to distance himself from the memorandum.

Ahmad Zeidabadi argued that relations between the president and the leader remained "close and based on mutual trust."

He said the emphasis on the role of the president and the SNSC amounted to an expression of confidence in Pezeshkian and a reminder of the presidency’s importance as the second-highest office in the political system.

Seraj Mirdamadi similarly argued that the statement reflected trust in an elected official rather than an attempt to shift responsibility, describing it as "democratic and encouraging."

The dispute is ultimately about more than the wording of a single statement. It reflects an emerging struggle over ownership of the memorandum itself.

With talks set to enter a new phase, that battle over credit and blame may prove almost as consequential as the negotiations themselves.

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Trump says Iran is 'finished', experts say Tehran won big

Jun 19, 2026, 22:02 GMT+1
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Negar Mojtahedi
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A crowd of mourners gather in Tehran as part of annual Muharram ceremonies to mark the death of the Shi'ite's third Imam, June 19, 2026

US President Donald Trump is defending the newly signed US-Iran Memorandum of Understanding as a diplomatic victory, insisting Iran has been weakened by months of conflict and entered negotiations out of desperation.

But some Iran experts argue the agreement risks delivering significant concessions to Tehran while leaving key disputes unresolved.

David Schenker, former US Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs, told Eye for Iran he was surprised by the scope of benefits Iran could receive under the agreement.

"I don't feel good about it," Schenker said.

The MOU outlines a 60-day negotiation period during which the future of Iran's nuclear program, sanctions relief, frozen Iranian assets, reconstruction funding and the administration of the Strait of Hormuz will be discussed.

According to Schenker, the agreement effectively gives Tehran major economic benefits upfront while postponing the most difficult negotiations.

"In the meanwhile, it's a tremendous win for Iran," he said.

Lebanon's role in the deal

One of the most controversial aspects of the agreement centers on Lebanon.

Earlier this month, Iran launched direct missile attacks on Israel after Israeli strikes targeted Hezbollah positions in Beirut's southern suburbs. The exchange marked a significant shift in Tehran's approach.

For decades, Iran largely relied on proxy groups such as Hezbollah and Hamas to confront Israel. This time, Iranian officials openly linked attacks on Hezbollah to direct Iranian retaliation against Israel. Many Iran experts warned the Trump administration against tying Lebanon to the Iran conflict.

Iranian leaders subsequently insisted that any broader ceasefire arrangement must also address Lebanon.

Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi warned that negotiations could not move forward unless fighting in Lebanon ended, while other Iranian officials described Lebanon as being at the "forefront" of discussions with Washington.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu rejected what he described as Iran's attempt to impose a "new equation" in which attacks on Hezbollah would trigger direct Iranian military action.

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Schenker believes elements of that equation may now be reflected in the MOU.

"I think first and foremost it suggests that the administration wanted a deal more than Iran, so it was willing to make concessions," he said.

According to Schenker, the agreement risks strengthening Iran's regional influence despite the military setbacks it suffered during the conflict.

"They're going to point to this and say, 'Look, Iran and Hezbollah protected Lebanon,'" he said.

He argued that such a narrative could undermine Lebanon's elected government while boosting Iran's standing among Hezbollah supporters.

For Schenker, the precedent may prove as significant as any sanctions relief.

"If Iran can insulate not only Hezbollah but also its other regional partners from retaliation, it strengthens this proxy network across the region," he said.

Concerns over sanctions relief

Schenker also questioned provisions that could lead to the lifting of oil sanctions and the release of frozen Iranian assets.

"They're doing the lifting of the oil sanctions upfront," he said, warning that the move could provide billions of dollars in revenue to Tehran.

The former diplomat said several of the original objectives Washington and Israel cited at the outset of the conflict appear absent from the current framework, including limits on Iran's ballistic missile program and support for regional proxy groups.

He also raised concerns over language that could eventually allow Iran to collect fees related to maritime traffic through the Strait of Hormuz.

"It's something out of a mafia movie," Schenker said. "Iran is offering protection and will shake down international shipping."

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The Iranian perspective

While much of the debate surrounding the MOU has focused on geopolitics, oil markets and regional security, some opponents of the Islamic Republic are viewing the agreement through a different lens.

For human rights activist Gazelle Sharmahd, whose father Jamshid Sharmahd was abducted and later executed by Iranian authorities, the announcement felt deeply personal.

"Defeat," she said when asked how she reacted to news of the agreement.

"I think a lot of people feel betrayed."

Sharmahd said many Iranians had believed sustained military and economic pressure had brought the Islamic Republic to one of its weakest moments in decades.

"We had the regime on its knees," she said. "How do we go from there to giving this regime the resources, the power, the legitimacy to build up everything that we took away from them?"

She warned that sanctions relief and new funding could strengthen the state's ability to suppress dissent inside Iran.

"The execution wave will not go down," she said. "In history, we see it goes up when we appease this regime."

Message to Trump

Sharmahd reserved some of her strongest comments for Trump himself.

Speaking directly to the US president, she urged him not to abandon pressure on Tehran.

"Capitulation will not save us. It will be our end," she said.

"You have an army of Iranians. You have an army of American patriots. You have an army in the Middle East standing behind you."

She argued that any future agreement should prioritize the aspirations of ordinary Iranians rather than the interests of the government in Tehran.

"Speak to us," she said. "Not to this regime."

As negotiations move forward, the debate over the MOU is likely to intensify.

For supporters, the agreement offers a pathway away from another costly regional war. For critics, it risks rewarding Tehran while leaving unresolved many of the issues that helped trigger the conflict in the first place.

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UN experts warn Iran-US MoU leaves Iranian people behind

Jun 19, 2026, 19:10 GMT+1
UN experts warn Iran-US MoU leaves Iranian people behind
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Members of the Iranian police attend a pro-government rally in Tehran, Iran, January 12, 2026. Stringer/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via REUTERS

UN experts on Friday welcomed the signing of a 14-point memorandum of understanding between the United States and Iran but warned that any final agreement that fails to address human rights in Iran would be “fundamentally incomplete.”

In a statement, the experts said the MoU focuses mainly on military withdrawal, reopening the Strait of Hormuz, nuclear commitments, sanctions relief and a $300 billion reconstruction fund, while the Iranian people are “barely visible” in the framework.

“A deal that serves geopolitical interests while leaving the Iranian people behind is not a peace agreement worthy of the name,” they said.

The groups of experts which includes the UN Special Rapporteur for Iran's human rights situation Mai Sato, accused Iranian authorities of using the war to intensify repression, saying thousands had been detained since late February, with many reportedly tortured, forcibly disappeared, subjected to mock executions or forced to confess on camera.

They said at least 156 people had been executed since the start of the war, including at least 42 on espionage and national security-related charges, many after proceedings in which confessions were reportedly obtained under torture or defendants were denied access to lawyers.

They also cited the seizure of assets belonging to at least 1,500 citizens, including hundreds of Iranians abroad, calling it a tool of punishment and transnational repression.

In recent days, many Iranians opposed to the Islamic Republic have voiced frustration over the signing of the US-Iran memorandum, fearing that Washington and Tehran are moving toward an agreement that would preserve the ruling system after months of war, repression, blackouts and sanctions.

After the January crackdown, in which security forces killed thousands of protesters and detained many more, both Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu promised to support Iranians seeking to bring down the regime.

But the agreement has deepened concern among many anti-government Iranians that ordinary people paid the heaviest price while Tehran’s more hardline leadership survived and may now gain breathing space through diplomacy.

In their Friday statement, the UN experts urged all states involved in or mediating the next 60 days of negotiations to press for accountability, reparations, a moratorium on executions, the release of arbitrarily detained people, disclosure of the fate of the forcibly disappeared, restoration of open internet access and protection of civic space.

“The end of hostilities must not be mistaken for the restoration of rights,” they warned. “For the Iranian people, that work is yet to begin.”

Who in Tehran is opposing a deal with Washington?

Jun 19, 2026, 12:11 GMT+1

A message attributed to Iran's Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei and the swift reactions from President Masoud Pezeshkian and chief negotiator Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf highlighted the uneasy coalition behind the agreement with the United States and the lingering doubts about it.

The intervention comes after weeks of criticism from hardline media outlets, clerics and political factions that viewed the agreement as a dangerous concession to Washington.

While the ultraconservative Paydari Party is often portrayed as the main opponent of rapprochement with the United States, recent debate in Iran has highlighted a broader network of political, media and ideological actors resisting a Tehran-Washington understanding.

In a message issued after the signing of the memorandum, Mojtaba Khamenei warned that actions creating “pessimism among the people” effectively serve the enemy, language widely interpreted as a rebuke to hardline critics of the agreement.

Both Pezeshkian and Ghalibaf quickly issued statements pledging to follow the leader's guidance and defend the negotiating process.

The apparent effort to impose discipline on the debate has coincided with growing scrutiny of those opposing diplomacy.

Continue reading...

Who in Tehran is opposing a deal with Washington?

Jun 19, 2026, 08:14 GMT+1
•
Behrouz Turani
Who in Tehran is opposing a deal with Washington?
100%
Hossein Shariatmadari (centre), editor of hardline daily Kayhan, and one of the most prominent anti-US voices in Iran, attends an event to commemorate slain IRGC commander Hossein Salami, June 18, 2026

A message attributed to Iran's Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei and the swift reactions from President Masoud Pezeshkian and chief negotiator Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf highlighted the uneasy coalition behind the agreement with the United States and the lingering doubts about it.

The intervention comes after weeks of criticism from hardline media outlets, clerics and political factions that viewed the agreement as a dangerous concession to Washington.

While the ultraconservative Paydari Party is often portrayed as the main opponent of rapprochement with the United States, recent debate in Iran has highlighted a broader network of political, media and ideological actors resisting a Tehran-Washington understanding.

In a message issued after the signing of the memorandum, Mojtaba Khamenei warned that actions creating “pessimism among the people” effectively serve the enemy, language widely interpreted as a rebuke to hardline critics of the agreement.

Both Pezeshkian and Ghalibaf quickly issued statements pledging to follow the leader's guidance and defend the negotiating process.

The apparent effort to impose discipline on the debate has coincided with growing scrutiny of those opposing diplomacy.

'Negotiation is haram'

One of the most detailed assessments came from Khabar Online, which argued that resistance to the ongoing negotiations should not be viewed as ordinary criticism but as an organized campaign to undermine diplomacy, attack key officials and deepen national divisions.

The report identified state television, IRIB, as the leading institutional opponent of an agreement. It cited remarks by hardline clerics who used the broadcaster's platforms to denounce negotiations with the United States.

Among them was cleric Gholamreza Ghassemian, who declared on state television that “negotiation is haram,” while arguing that those pursuing talks were acting contrary to divine principles. Another cleric, Sheikh Esmail Ramezani, insisted that relations with Washington were impossible.

Khabar Online accused IRIB of functioning as the mouthpiece of a single political faction rather than a national broadcaster and even alleged that portions of the leader's recent warnings against discord were downplayed to preserve a hardline narrative.

The report also pointed to figures associated with the late president Ebrahim Raisi's administration, arguing that some remained more focused on domestic political rivalries than on supporting diplomacy endorsed by the state's highest institutions.

Messianic detractors

The Paydari Party appeared third on the list. The article described it as a rigidly ideological parliamentary bloc that has used its network of lawmakers and media outlets to challenge the negotiating team and question the merits of engagement with Washington.

Yet even Paydari represents only part of the opposition.

In a separate interview with Rouydad24, former lawmaker and security official Mansoor Haghighatpour argued that resistance to a Tehran-Washington agreement also reflects the influence of the messianic Hojatiyeh association, whose legacy remains the subject of recurring debate in Iran.

The article did not mention several familiar hardline voices who have also opposed diplomacy. Among them are Kayhan editor Hossein Shariatmadari, a longtime critic of engagement with the United States, and MP Esmail Kowsari, who continued issuing threats against Washington and regional states during the war and subsequent ceasefire.

'Harsh response'

The divisions echo debates surrounding the 2015 nuclear agreement, when hardline factions accused negotiators of capitulation while supporters argued diplomacy was necessary to ease pressure on the country.

Ghalibaf was more explicit in defending the current process, warning that those acting against the leader's guidance “under the guise of obeying the Leadership” would face a “harsh response from the nation.”

For now, however, public criticism appears to have subsided. The day after the memorandum was signed, Iranian media largely fell silent on opposition to a possible agreement.

Whether that reflects a direct effort by the leadership to quiet dissent, or merely a temporary pause as political factions adjust to the new reality, may become clearer in the days ahead.

What is already apparent is that resistance to a deal with Washington extends well beyond any single party or faction—and that the leadership has signaled it expects those disputes to remain contained.

A thaw with the US won't fill Iranian tables overnight

Jun 19, 2026, 04:15 GMT+1
A thaw with the US won't fill Iranian tables overnight
100%

The easing of tensions between Iran and the United States has raised hopes for economic relief, but after years of declining living standards, many Iranians say any breakthrough will be judged by whether it improves their daily lives.

Iranian authorities now face growing public expectations that any diplomatic opening will translate into tangible economic gains. Many hope that sanctions relief or the release of frozen assets will ease financial pressures and improve living standards.

Economists, however, warn that even if restrictions are lifted, the benefits are unlikely to be felt immediately.

The uncertainty has been compounded by the fact that many of the memorandum's economic provisions remain unclear, including the timing and scope of any sanctions relief or asset releases.

According to a recent survey cited by Deputy Interior Minister Mohammad Bathaei during a press conference this week, 60% of respondents said they could no longer tolerate additional economic pressure.

Read the full article here.