Israel polls near closing with Iran central to election
Voting in Israel's election was drawing to a close Tuesday, with Iran a central issue and turnout reaching its highest level at this stage since 1988.
Voting in Israel's election was drawing to a close Tuesday, with Iran a central issue and turnout reaching its highest level at this stage since 1988.
The vote could bring an end to Benjamin Netanyahu’s long tenure as prime minister, with his Likud facing an opposition led by former military chief Gadi Eisenkot.
Israel's Central Elections Committee reported voter turnout at 74.3 percent, the highest at this stage of voting since 1988. Polls are scheduled to close at 10 p.m. local time (2000 GMT).
Turnout at the same time in the 2022 election stood at 47.5 percent.
“We have surpassed all the records kept by the Central Elections Committee,” acting director general Dean Livne said. “There hasn’t been such a nationwide voter turnout since 1973.”
Long lines prompted election officials to say polling stations would remain open beyond their scheduled 10 p.m. closing time if voters were still waiting.
“We promise, everyone will vote,” Livne said. “If there is a line at 10 p.m., the polling stations will continue to operate until everyone who arrived by 10 p.m. has voted.”
Exit polls, normally released as voting ends, could consequently be delayed.
Iran has featured prominently in the closing days of the campaign.
Israeli media reported that Netanyahu clashed with military chief Eyal Zamir over proposed action related to Iran that Zamir feared could trigger renewed conflict. Netanyahu denied the reports, while Defense Minister Israel Katz called reports of a rift baseless.
Eisenkot backed Zamir, accusing Netanyahu of putting his political survival ahead of national security and warning that he would not allow the military to become a tool in Netanyahu’s “campaign of survival.”
Another opposition leader, Avigdor Liberman, went further, saying any attempt to drag Israel into military action to prevent the election would amount to treason.
Eisenkot, like Netanyahu, says Iran must be prevented from acquiring nuclear weapons and has backed military strikes against its nuclear program.
But he has rejected Netanyahu’s pursuit of regime change in Tehran as an achievable military objective and argued for combining economic pressure and diplomacy with military action when necessary.
Earlier this month, Eisenkot said another attack would be justified if Iran were making a dash for a nuclear weapon, but said he was unaware of any development requiring an immediate strike.
The result is being followed closely in Iran, where Israel’s next government will inherit decisions over whether and under what circumstances to resume military action against Tehran.
A Kuwaiti court sentenced three men to death after convicting them of collaborating with Iran and Hezbollah and plotting to assassinate senior officials, including First Deputy Prime Minister and Interior Minister Sheikh Fahad Al-Yousef Al-Sabah.
Kuwait Times reported that the State Security Criminal Court’s anti-terrorism division handed down the sentences on Monday over charges including espionage, planning attacks against Kuwait, membership in an outlawed organization and actions deemed harmful to national interests.
The death sentences are not final and are subject to review by Kuwait’s Court of Appeals.
Explosives alleged in assassination plan
Prosecutors accused some of the defendants of preparing to use explosives in the assassination plot, while one was accused of attempting to smuggle explosives into Kuwait for use in the planned attacks.
The court said the defendants sought to undermine state security, create instability and weaken public confidence in the authorities’ ability to maintain order, according to Kuwait Times.
AFP, citing two judicial sources, identified one of those sentenced to death as Hussein Abdallah al-Maatouq, a religious figure and secretary-general of the National Islamic Alliance. The sources said another of the three had previously been convicted on terrorism charges in 2016, later pardoned by Kuwait’s emir and arrested again in April.
Similar cases in Kuwait
The ruling follows another Iran- and Hezbollah-linked espionage case in Kuwait earlier this year.
In July, Kuwait’s State Security Court of Appeal sentenced a Kuwaiti citizen to life imprisonment after overturning an earlier 10-year term. Local reporting said he had been convicted of cooperating with Iran’s Revolutionary Guards and Hezbollah and had traveled to Qom, where prosecutors said he received weapons and drone training.
The allegations in that case included meetings with security figures linked to Iran and Hezbollah and preparations for activity deemed harmful to Kuwait’s national security.
Bahrain has also prosecuted alleged IRGC networks
Bahrain has brought several similar cases this year involving alleged cooperation with Iran’s Revolutionary Guards.
In May, a Bahraini court sentenced nine defendants to life imprisonment and two others to three years after convicting them of collaborating with the IRGC in what authorities described as hostile and terrorist activities against the kingdom.
Bahrain’s Interior Ministry had earlier said it arrested dozens of people it linked to the IRGC as authorities investigated alleged networks operating during the wider regional conflict.
The cases have unfolded amid heightened tensions between Iran and states across the Persian Gulf, with governments in the region increasing scrutiny of alleged Iranian-linked security and espionage networks.
Talks involving Saudi Arabia and its defense partners in Tehran may offer a final diplomatic opportunity before a collective military response, a regional affairs analyst said Monday, amid attacks on Saudi territory and threats of renewed US-Iran fighting.
Mohamed Fahmy, a journalist and regional affairs analyst, described the visit as an exercise in "coercive diplomacy," arguing that the alliance was combining negotiations with preparations for a possible military response.
"This may be the last chance before a collective imminent military action," he told Iran International.
Saudi Defense Minister Khalid bin Salman, Pakistani army chief Asim Munir and Turkish intelligence chief Ibrahim Kalin met Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian and Supreme National Security Council Secretary Mohsen Rezaei, with Rezaei hosting the four-way talks.
Riyadh said the visit by representatives of the Mecca Joint Defense Agreement was part of efforts to reduce tensions and promote dialogue.
The attacks on Saudi Arabia have presented the first major test of the agreement, signed by Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Pakistan in August, which pledges collective action when a member comes under attack.
Iranian state television reported that the four countries agreed to continue discussions on regional peace and security. No agreement to halt the Houthi attacks was announced.
The talks also unfolded against renewed threats of military action between Washington and Tehran. President Donald Trump has kept open the possibility of renewed strikes, while Iranian officials have warned of retaliation.
"The main objective is pressure," Fahmy said.
He said Saudi Arabia and its partners were attempting to exhaust diplomatic options while demonstrating that continued Houthi attacks could bring a collective response.
Professor Saad bin Tefla al-Ajmi, a former Kuwaiti information minister, told Iran International that the seniority of the delegation demonstrated the lengths to which Iran's neighbors were prepared to go to prevent another war.
He described the visit as an extraordinary diplomatic effort to prevent renewed hostilities, but said it could be interpreted in sharply different ways within Tehran, either as evidence of Iranian strength or as an opportunity to pursue a diplomatic settlement.
Iranian hardliners, he said, could portray the arrival of senior Saudi, Turkish and Pakistani officials as evidence that the Islamic Republic had gained the upper hand, forcing its neighbors to seek accommodation on Iranian territory.
A more pragmatic interpretation would see the visit as an opportunity for Tehran to demonstrate a willingness to cooperate with neighboring countries and pursue a diplomatic settlement, while portraying Washington and Israel as responsible if negotiations failed.
"It depends on whose mind you are reading in Tehran now," al-Ajmi said.
Attacks test the Mecca pact
Al-Ajmi also pointed to a hardening Saudi position toward the Houthis, arguing that Riyadh had exhausted its attempts to accommodate the group.
"I think that they have made their mind that the Houthi will have to go and they can't take it anymore," he told Iran International.
Al-Ajmi said Saudi Arabia was seeking international diplomatic and political support while demonstrating that it had been the target of aggression by the Houthis and their Iranian backers.
The urgency of the talks follows a series of deadly attacks on Saudi civilian and strategic infrastructure.
The Houthis claimed fresh attacks Monday on Saudi oil infrastructure and Riyadh airport, although Saudi authorities did not immediately confirm those claims.
The Saudi-led coalition also reported destroying Houthi missile infrastructure in Yemen, while Egypt's parliament authorized military support to help defend Saudi Arabia, potentially drawing another regional power more directly into the confrontation.
Egypt's decision, Fahmy argued, adds another dimension to the confrontation, with potential consequences for the country's already vulnerable economy.
The diplomatic effort may also involve financial concessions.
Israel Hayom reported Monday, citing unnamed Persian Gulf diplomatic sources, that Saudi Arabia was discussing a possible $1 billion payment to the Houthis through Iran as part of a ceasefire arrangement.
The Israeli newspaper said a Saudi official did not confirm any transfer but acknowledged that earlier understandings with the Houthis included financial assistance for public-sector salaries and reconstruction in exchange for an end to attacks.
Iran International could not independently verify the reported $1 billion proposal.
The possibility of a negotiated settlement comes as the Mecca pact's ability to fulfill its military commitments faces growing scrutiny.
Historian and political analyst Dr. Shahram Kholdi told Iran International that the alliance had failed to deliver the protection promised to its members.
"The Mecca Pact has effectively been a paper tiger," Kholdi said.
He argued that despite military cooperation among the three countries, Saudi Arabia remained vulnerable to Houthi missile and drone attacks.
Obstacles to a lasting settlement
Kholdi believes the delegation's principal objective is to persuade Tehran to restrain the Houthis, potentially in exchange for efforts to convince Washington to reconsider some of the conditions preventing renewed US-Iran negotiations.
He said Turkey and Pakistan were reluctant to confront the Houthis directly because of the risk of Iranian retaliation, leaving Saudi Arabia pursuing diplomacy while continuing to face attacks.
Even securing Tehran's cooperation, however, may not produce a lasting settlement.
Kholdi argued that the Houthis could demand political guarantees amounting to the effective partition of Yemen before agreeing to stop their attacks.
Such an arrangement could leave Saudi Arabia facing an entrenched hostile entity along its southern border, an outcome Riyadh has so far resisted.
Other regional diplomatic efforts have focused on the US-Iran standoff. Qatari officials visited Tehran on Sunday, while Pakistan has continued to serve as an intermediary between the United States and the Islamic Republic.
Disagreements remain over the US naval blockade of Iranian ports, access through the Strait of Hormuz and the terms of a broader settlement addressing Iran's nuclear program.
Kholdi expects the diplomatic effort could produce a temporary reduction in hostilities, but doubts it will deliver a lasting ceasefire. He warned that even a brief lull could unravel through miscalculation.
The Mecca pact was established to provide collective security. Continued attacks on Saudi Arabia are now testing that commitment while its members pursue talks with Iran.
With no announced agreement to halt the Houthi attacks and the US-Iran standoff unresolved, the risk of a military confrontation extending well beyond Yemen remains.
Ammar al-Hakim’s warning that Baghdad must protect Iraq from US sanctions despite its solidarity with Iran has sparked a sharp backlash on Persian-language social media, with some hardliners calling for retaliation against Iraq.
An excerpt from an interview al-Hakim gave to Iraqiya TV on September 29 has gone viral in recent days.
Al-Hakim, head of Iraq’s National Wisdom Movement and a former head of the Supreme Islamic Council of Iraq, said Washington had explicitly warned Baghdad to comply with US sanctions against Iran or risk sanctions itself.
He said Iran was justified in feeling it had been treated unfairly under what he described as a US siege, but argued that countries could not be governed by emotions and aspirations alone.
Iraq, he said, stood in solidarity with the Iranian people while also having a responsibility to shield its own population from the consequences of sanctions.
‘Honour vs dishonour’
Hardline Iranian social media users accused al-Hakim of betraying Iran and showing ingratitude for its support, with some calling for retaliatory measures against Iraq.
Ehsan Salehi, an adviser to former Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi, accused al-Hakim on X of bowing to Washington, justifying that stance and moving closer to Arab Gulf rulers.
Hardline commentator Alireza Taghavinia interpreted al-Hakim’s comments as an admission that Iraq had little choice but to comply with Washington.
“When Ammar al-Hakim, a Shiite whose position he owes to Iran, says this, what can we expect from [Pakistan’s Prime Minister] Shehbaz Sharif?” he wrote.
Filmmaker Ali Zarnegar wrote: “This is precisely the line between honor and dishonor, and unfortunately, you chose to be dishonorable.”
Another user sarcastically called for Iran to prevent Iraqi oil from passing through the Strait of Hormuz.
“Our feelings are with Iraq, too, but what can we do? We have to attack tankers associated with them,” the user wrote. “Since they are so afraid that America will freeze their oil money, we will make things easier for them and prevent even a drop of their oil from being exported through the Strait of Hormuz.”
National interest first
Other users defended al-Hakim, arguing that his remarks reflected the Iraqi government's responsibility to protect its national interests and criticizing Iran’s leaders for putting ideology ahead of Iran's own welfare.
Mohsen Salehikhah, a journalist and documentary filmmaker associated with reformists, praised the Iraqi politician.
“Ammar al-Hakim said something absolutely right,” he wrote. “If the Islamic Republic also understood that it should prioritize Iran’s interests rather than sacrifice our national interests at the altar of ideological delusions and aspirations, perhaps the situation would be different today.”
Another user pointed out that al-Hakim leads one of the Iraqi political movements closest to Iran, suggesting that other Iraqi groups could hardly be expected to put Iranian interests first.
“Some people spent years selling the public the illusion that sanctions did not matter because we could maintain relations with our neighbors instead of America,” the user wrote. “Well, this is our closest neighbor.”
‘Teach others a lesson’
The backlash comes amid a separate dispute over Iraq’s closure of the al-Shaib/Chazabeh border crossing with Iran.
An adviser to Iraqi Prime Minister Ali Faleh al-Zaidi has said the crossing was closed to prevent the smuggling of narcotics and counterfeit money from Iran, while Iran’s Interior Ministry complained that Baghdad had not informed Tehran in advance.
The closure has prompted calls from some Iranian hardliners for retaliation against Iraq.
Iranian businessman Babak Zanjani called for greater restrictions on Iraq’s access through the Strait of Hormuz, saying Baghdad should be made to understand “the real meaning of a blockade and its consequences.”
He went further, arguing that Iraq should be brought closer to collapse over what he described as a strategic mistake “so that others learn a lesson.”
Iranians are looking to Israel's election as a potential turning point in their country's future, with supporters of Benjamin Netanyahu hoping his victory will bring renewed pressure on the Islamic Republic.
“I wish we, the people of Iran, could vote too,” one Persian-speaking Instagram user wrote beneath a post about Netanyahu.
“I've pledged a thousand salawat and 12 candles for Bibi to win,” another wrote, referring to the Israeli leader by his widely used nickname and to a religious practice involving blessings.
The comments are among hundreds of Persian-language reactions to Netanyahu and Israel's October 27 election, reflecting hopes that the vote could help advance efforts against the Islamic Republic.
The comments, however, are not a representative measure of Iranian public opinion, and Persian-language posts alone do not establish whether their authors live inside Iran or abroad.
For Netanyahu's Iranian supporters, his continued leadership offers the prospect of finishing what they consider unfinished efforts to bring down Iran's ruling establishment.
From nuclear warnings to calls for political change
Netanyahu, born in Tel Aviv on October 21, 1949, grew up in an academic family and spent part of his adolescence in the United States.
After serving in an Israeli military special forces unit, he studied at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology before entering politics. He first became prime minister in 1996, aged 46.
The leader of the right-wing Likud party is Israel's longest-serving prime minister, and confronting the Islamic Republic has been a central feature of his political career.
In September 2012, Netanyahu displayed a cartoon drawing of a bomb at the United Nations, drawing a red line across it to warn about Iran's nuclear program.
The confrontation later extended beyond nuclear warnings.
During the 12-day war in June 2025, Israel struck Iranian military and nuclear facilities. Netanyahu told Iranians that the military campaign could pave the way for them to achieve freedom from the Islamic Republic.
Joint Israeli-US strikes on February 28, 2026, which killed Iran's former Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, marked another stage in the confrontation.
Netanyahu’s military actions against the Islamic Republic and his calls for political change in Iran have earned him support among some opponents of the country’s ruling establishment.
Iran has also emerged as a major issue in Israel's election campaign, with Netanyahu's political rivals advocating tougher action against the Islamic Republic and criticizing his failure to eliminate the threat they say it poses.
Netanyahu speaks directly to Iranians
Netanyahu has repeatedly addressed Iranians directly through video messages and Persian-language social media posts, urging them to seek political change and an end to Islamic Republic rule.
During Iran's water crisis in August 2025, Netanyahu promoted Israeli water technology and promised to send Israeli experts to help tackle the country's water shortages following a change of government.
That outreach has continued during the final days of his election campaign.
“The people of Iran deserve to live in freedom, security and dignity,” Netanyahu wrote in a Persian-language Instagram post on Thursday, October 22, five days before Israel's election.
The message came as Netanyahu faced significant political competition at home, even as Persian-speaking users expressed enthusiasm for his continued leadership.
His messages have resonated with some opponents of the Islamic Republic who hope Israeli pressure will contribute to political change in Iran.
How Bibi became Bibi Joon
Netanyahu's familiar nickname, Bibi, has taken on new forms among Persian-speaking admirers.
They call him Bibi Joon, adding a Persian term of affection, or Bibi Gol, a reference to a popular song by Iranian singer Moein.
The phenomenon has also attracted Netanyahu's attention.
Netanyahu himself referred to the nickname during a CBS News interview in May 2026, saying Iranians called him “Bibi-joon,” meaning beloved Bibi.
Netanyahu's standing among Iranians
More than half of respondents inside Iran, 50.6%, held favorable views of Netanyahu, compared with 38.1% who viewed him unfavorably, according to a survey conducted from June 20 to 27, 2026, by the Netherlands-based research group GAMAAN.
The online survey involved more than 31,000 participants and used statistical weighting to produce its findings.
In Israel, 47% of respondents preferred former military chief Gadi Eisenkot as prime minister, compared with 37% who backed Netanyahu, according to a Madad poll published on October 23.
Netanyahu has also received the backing of US President Donald Trump, who urged Israelis to re-elect him to continue their joint campaign against the Islamic Republic.
“Vote for Bibi Netanyahu for Prime Minister, we have to finish the job that we started!” Trump wrote on Truth Social on Sunday.
Persian-language reactions to Israel's election go beyond support for Netanyahu's re-election, expressing hopes that he will resume military action against the Islamic Republic.
“Why don't you finish the job before the vote?” another asked.
Senior officials from Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and Turkey opened talks with Iranian authorities in Tehran on Monday, following increased Iran-backed Houthi attacks on Saudi Arabia and renewed warnings of military action between Tehran and Washington.
Saudi Defense Minister Khalid bin Salman, Pakistani army chief Asim Munir and Turkish intelligence chief Ibrahim Kalin will travel to Tehran, Reuters reported on Monday, citing Saudi and Iranian officials.
Ali Bagheri Kani, deputy secretary of Iran's Supreme National Security Council, confirmed the visit.
The initiative was proposed during Munir's visit to Tehran last week, when he met President Masoud Pezeshkian and other senior officials, according to a senior Iranian official.
Iranian media reported that officials told Munir they would not negotiate with Washington until Tehran's demands were met.
Defense pact faces first major test
The visit marks the first high-level meeting between Iran and all three members of the Mecca defense pact since the escalation of hostilities.
Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and Turkey signed the agreement in August, establishing that a military attack on one member would be considered an attack on all three.
Pakistan has ratified the pact, while ratification remains pending in Turkey's parliament.
Earlier this month, the three countries agreed to implement their defense commitments and rapidly deploy military personnel and capabilities to Saudi Arabia.
The agreement faces its first significant test following increased Houthi attacks on Saudi territory.
Saudi Arabia announced on Sunday that it had intercepted another wave of missiles and drones.
The visit is intended to reduce hostilities and support mediation efforts by Qatar and Pakistan, Saudi Deputy Foreign Minister for Public Diplomacy Raed bin Khalid Qarmali said earlier.
US-Iran confrontation
Qatari officials also visited Tehran on Sunday for talks with Iranian authorities.
Previous mediation by Qatar and Pakistan helped secure a temporary halt to hostilities, but the agreement collapsed when fighting resumed.
Indirect contacts between Tehran and Washington have continued through both mediators, a process also referenced by Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi.
US President Donald Trump raised the possibility of renewed military operations against Iran on Friday.
Iranian officials have warned that any further attack would trigger a stronger response.
The diplomatic meetings come as Saudi Arabia seeks to prevent the conflict from spreading to its critical infrastructure, putting the Mecca defense pact and regional mediation efforts under growing pressure.
