Lecturer in International Relations, University of Exeter
President Trump’s visit to Beijing appears to have confirmed two things about China’s approach to the Iran crisis: it is willing to help prevent further escalation, but not at Tehran’s expense.
Reports during and after the summit, including comments highlighted by Fox News, suggested China had signaled readiness to play a more active role in stabilizing the situation around Iran and the Strait of Hormuz. But any Chinese cooperation is likely to remain limited, transactional and tied to Beijing’s broader strategic priorities.
Before Trump’s departure from Washington, Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent accused China of “funding the largest state sponsor of terrorism,” while Trump himself said he was going to have “a long talk” with Xi. Earlier, the Treasury Department sanctioned five of the so-called “teapot” refineries that process Iranian oil in China.
These moves were not surprising. The war involving the United States, Israel and Iran has shaken the Middle East, threatened global energy flows and become increasingly unpopular among American voters and consumers. Iran has become a priority issue for the White House.
China has reasons to listen. Beijing has already shown some willingness to restrain Tehran, including by nudging Iran toward the Islamabad talks. It does not want the fragile ceasefire to collapse. It does not want the Strait of Hormuz closed. Nor does it want a global downturn that would damage Chinese exports.
China’s investments in electrification and renewable energy have increased its resilience, but they have not made it immune to a major shock in the Middle East. Yet Xi’s help, if it comes, will not be free.
In his recent conversation with Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Foreign Minister Wang Yi made clear that Taiwan remains the core issue for China and the greatest risk in US-China relations. Chinese readouts of the Trump-Xi meeting also placed Taiwan at the center of discussions, with the “situation in the Middle East” appearing much lower on the agenda.
The implication is difficult to miss: if Washington wants Chinese cooperation, Beijing will expect a more accommodating US position on Taiwan. Several current and former American officials have expressed concern that Trump, who said he intended to have “that discussion” with Xi, could delay or reduce the $14 billion weapons package for Taiwan approved by Congress in January.
In other words, China has strong reasons to support de-escalation over Iran, but Beijing also appears to view the crisis through the lens of a much larger strategic bargain with Washington.
Xi’s help is also likely to remain limited. Beijing and Tehran still share a fundamental objective. Both want the Iranian regime to survive. Both want Iran to avoid emerging from the conflict as a defeated and humiliated loser. Both oppose a regional order shaped by the United States and Israel.
For Tehran, defeat would be a regime-threatening disaster. For Beijing, it would be another demonstration that American coercive power can still break an anti-US partner.
China may therefore encourage Tehran to negotiate, support language about regional stability or help Trump claim diplomatic progress. It may even make quiet tactical adjustments to its economic dealings with Iran. But any such move will be carefully calibrated to serve China’s own interests.
China may help stabilize the situation; it will not help Washington defeat Tehran.
The fact that the Chinese embassy in Washington has not denied reports that Wang Yi and Rubio agreed in April that the Strait of Hormuz must remain toll-free is a good example of this dynamic. So too is the American readout stating that China opposes Iran developing nuclear weapons. Both signal goodwill, but neither represents a meaningful shift in Beijing’s position or a compromise of its interests.
This means Trump may have secured Chinese support for de-escalation. He may even have persuaded Xi that a prolonged conflict is too costly for China and that Beijing has an interest in pushing Tehran toward compromise. But he cannot force China to choose Washington over Tehran. Pressure alone is unlikely to work, especially if it requires Xi to appear publicly subordinate to American demands.
There is another problem: it remains unclear what Washington actually wants. It is not enough to accuse China of enabling Iran. The United States still lacks a clearly defined objective. Does it want a ceasefire, renewed nuclear talks, limits on Iranian regional activity, security guarantees for regional partners or some combination of these?
Without a coherent strategy, China will continue using the crisis to extract concessions elsewhere while offering only limited help.
The summit may not have determined the future of the Middle East. But it did reveal something important about the emerging great-power rivalry. The United States remains militarily dominant but strategically erratic. China is economically central but cautious as a security actor.
Trump arrived in Beijing seeking Chinese help on Iran. Xi may offer some. But the price will be high, and the help will not come at Tehran’s expense.
“The Strait of Hormuz is a God-given treasure, like other mines and reserves placed at Iran’s disposal,” said Hossein Ali Hajideligani, a member of Iran parliament’s presiding board.
The Strait of Hormuz is a critical route for the digital economy, with several undersea fiber-optic cables running across the seabed and linking India and Southeast Asia to Europe through the Persian Gulf states and Egypt.
Iran had previously warned that submarine cables in the Strait of Hormuz were a vulnerable point for the region’s digital economy, raising concerns about potential attacks on critical infrastructure.
Last week, IRGC-linked media called for Iran to generate revenue from undersea internet cables passing through the Strait of Hormuz, framing the waterway not only as an energy and shipping chokepoint but also as a digital pressure point.
Hajieligani said Iran should also impose fees on ships passing through the waterway, citing guidance he attributed to Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei’s messages.
He also called for an end to negotiations with the United States, saying Washington had “miscalculated” and was using the process to buy time rather than accept what he called Iran’s “absolute right.”
He said the US was the one that sought a ceasefire and alleged that Washington was after buying time for domestic political purposes.
Abbas Araghchi made the remarks in response to comments by the Emirati representative and added that he had avoided naming the UAE in his main speech “for the sake of unity.”
“But the truth is that the UAE was directly involved in the aggression against my country,” Araghchi said. “When the attacks started, they didn't even issue a condemnation.”
He accused Abu Dhabi of providing bases, airspace, territory, intelligence and other facilities to the United States and Israel during the attacks.
Araghchi said Iran had not attacked the UAE, but had targeted US military bases and facilities on Emirati soil.
He urged the UAE to reconsider its policy toward Iran, saying neither the US military presence nor ties with Israel had protected it.
His remarks came against the backdrop of the war involving Iran, the United States and Israel, during which Tehran said it targeted US military positions in response to attacks on Iran.
They also followed reports that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had visited Abu Dhabi during the war and that Israel had provided the UAE with military equipment. The UAE rejected reports of the visit.
Araghchi cited the reports in his remarks, saying the UAE had become “an active partner in this aggression.”
The office of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said Wednesday he had made a secret visit to the United Arab Emirates during the US-Israeli war with Iran earlier this year and met UAE President Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed.
Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi urged the bloc to oppose what he called the politicization of international institutions and take action against countries violating the UN Charter.
“The West's false sense of superiority and immunity must be shattered by all of us,” Araghchi said in a statement during the gathering.
His remarks come as Iran faces deepening economic strain, a collapsing currency and growing public frustration at home, weakening the image of resilience officials have sought to project.
High inflation and repeated protests over living costs have laid bare Iran’s domestic vulnerabilities, even as Tehran seeks to project itself as a challenger to Western influence.
The two-day meeting opened under the shadow of the Iran-US-Israel war, exposing divisions within an expanded BRICS bloc split by competing regional interests and differing ties with Washington.
The United States and Israel launched strikes on Iran on February 28 targeting military bases, missile infrastructure, nuclear facilities and senior commanders in an effort to weaken Tehran’s military capabilities and nuclear program.
Iran launched missile and drone attacks on Israel, US military assets and infrastructure linked to American allies in the Persian Gulf region.
Indian Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar warned that instability around key shipping lanes threatened the global economy.
“Safe and unimpeded maritime flows through international waterways, including the Strait of Hormuz and the Red Sea, remain vital for global economic well-being,” Jaishankar said in opening remarks.
Iran has disrupted shipping through the Strait of Hormuz following joint US and Israeli strikes on its territory, issuing warnings to commercial vessels and tankers in the strategic waterway.
Traffic through the strait, which carries roughly one-fifth of global oil and gas trade, declined sharply as tanker operators suspended transit and vessels rerouted over security concerns.
The disruptions drew criticism from Western governments, Persian Gulf Arab states and shipping groups, which warned that threats to one of the world’s most important maritime chokepoints could destabilize global trade and energy markets.
BRICS was founded by Brazil, Russia, India and China before South Africa joined in 2011. The bloc later expanded to include Egypt, Ethiopia, Indonesia, Iran and the UAE.
Iran presses bloc for response
Araghchi used his address to accuse Washington and Israel of carrying out attacks against Iran and urged BRICS countries to take a firmer position on the conflict.
“Iran is asking BRICS members and all responsible members of the international community to explicitly condemn violations of international law by the United States and Israel,” he said.
Araghchi also portrayed BRICS as part of an emerging global order less dominated by Western powers and said developing countries faced similar political and economic pressure from Washington.
His comments did not address Iran’s own military and proxy activities across the region, including attacks by Iran-backed armed groups in Iraq, Yemen and Lebanon against neighboring countries and US-linked targets in recent years.
Tehran also launched missile and drone attacks on Arab states aligned with Washington during the conflict, targeting military facilities and energy infrastructure in the UAE, Qatar, Bahrain, Kuwait and Saudi Arabia.
The regional governments condemned the strikes as violations of sovereignty that threatened regional stability and energy supplies.
Differences inside BRICS have complicated efforts to reach a unified position on the conflict, particularly between Iran and the UAE, which support opposing sides in the war.
Despite the divisions, diplomats said discussions were continuing toward a possible joint statement before the meeting concludes on Friday.
