Pezeshkian weathered rough first year, but worst may be yet to come

The pause shows a swift post-war drive to crack down on alleged Israeli spying is hitting some obstacles even in the hardliner-dominated establishment.

Iran's Guardian Council sent back the controversial bill to parliament for revisions, citing ambiguities in definitions and potential conflicts with Islamic law and constitutional principles.

The draft legislation seeks to impose harsher punishments—including the death penalty—for a broad range of alleged activities defined as espionage or collaboration with Israel, the United States, and other “hostile” states or groups.

The bill, titled the “Intensification of Punishment for Espionage and Cooperation with the Zionist Regime and Hostile States Against National Security and Interests,” was approved by Iran’s parliament late June but faced scrutiny from the Guardian Council, which is tasked with ensuring that legislation complies with Islamic law and the constitution.

"The necessity of precision in legal definitions is critical," said Hadi Tahan Nazif, spokesperson for the Guardian Council. "There is ambiguity in identifying who determines 'hostile states and groups.' It must be clarified which official institution makes that designation."

Tahan Nazif further warned that vaguely defined terms like “creating division” or “undermining national security,” as used in Article 4 of the bill, could infringe on constitutionally protected rights. “Such qualitative language may, in practice, restrict legitimate freedom of expression. These ambiguities must be resolved,” he said.

Among the most contentious points is the bill’s expansion of the crime of “spreading corruption on earth” (efsadfel-arz)—a charge that can carry the death penalty.

The Guardian Council objected to Article 2, which equates“any direct or indirect assistance”to Israel with corruption on earth. The Council said this could lead to capital punishment for acts that do not meet the strict criteria for that charge under Islamic law.

“In Islamic jurisprudence, the conditions for establishing the crime of corruption on earth are specific and strict. Broadening its scope without meeting these conditions is contrary to Sharia,” Tahan Nazif explained.

At the same time, the Council criticized the bill for limiting some cases—such as widespread distribution of unlicensed communications equipment used in organized opposition—to prison terms, when it argued they could meet the threshold for corruption on earth.

Another key concern centers on retroactive enforcement. Article 9 of the bill says that the law applies to offenses committed before its ratification, contradicting Article 169 of Iran’s Constitution, which prohibits retroactive criminal laws.

“No act or omission may be considered a crime under a law enacted after the fact,” Tahan Nazif emphasized, echoing the constitutional safeguard.

Despite its critique, the Guardian Council affirmed the importance of robust legal tools to defend national security, particularly in the wake of the 12-day Iran-Israel war, the spur of the latest emergency legislation.

“Our intent is not to obstruct legislation but to ensure laws are both enforceable and aligned with the constitution and Sharia, while also safeguarding citizens’ rights,” Tahan Nazif said.

Mohsen Dehnavi, the spokesperson for Iran’s Expediency Council, said on Wednesday that its supervisory board supports the general framework of the bill but some provisions in the draft were ambiguous.

A legal path to expanded crackdowns?

The bill follows heightened internal security measures and increased arrests, particularly since last month's war which saw devastation wrought on both sides of the conflict.

On Wednesday, Tehran’s prosecutor Ali Salehi confirmed that several cases involving alleged espionage, intelligence leaks, and smuggling of explosives are under urgent investigation.

“These cases involve individuals accused of sending maps and GPS coordinates to the Zionist regime, as well as transferring explosive materials,” Salehi said at an event in Tehran. “With full support from the judiciary and security forces, investigations are proceeding swiftly.”

Salehi also addressed allegations of espionage tied to the recent conflict: “Once investigations are complete, the public will be informed. The judiciary will not tolerate any actions that compromise national security.”

Escalating rhetoric

The bill and judicial statements come amid intensified rhetoric in Iranian state media. This week, Fars News Agency, which is affiliated with the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), published an editorial calling for the mass execution of detainees accused of collaborating with Israel and Western intelligence services.

“In the current conditions, those who enabled the killing of hundreds of Iranian citizens through espionage and weapons smuggling deserve to be executed in the style of 1988,” the editorial said, referencing mass executions of political prisoners. Amnesty International estimates that at least 5,000 people were executed during that period, often following secret trials without due process.

The article described the 1988 executions as “a brilliant chapter” in Iran’s history and saying that the public supports similar action today against what it termed “domestic terrorist networks.”

Definitions and penalties

The legislation, in its current form, criminalizes a broad range of activities under national security offenses.

It introduces the death penalty for espionage or intelligence cooperation with Israel, the United States, or their affiliated entities. The same punishment would apply to the manufacture, transfer, or import of drones for military or surveillance purposes, if deemed to involve "malicious intent."

The bill also imposes prison terms of 10 to 15 years for disseminating content—such as news, videos, or images—considered to harm national security or sow division.

Penalties ranging from six months to 10 years would apply to the use or distribution of unauthorized communication equipment, including satellite internet services like Starlink, depending on scale and intent.

Additionally, the bill allows for retroactive prosecution of offenses committed before its passage, a provision that legal experts say violates constitutional safeguards.

The draft is expected to return to parliament for clarification and possible amendment before undergoing a final review by the Guardian Council.

Last month, in the wake of the war with Israel, Iran arrested over 700 people in a mass roundup, accused of working for the Jewish state.

“Trump has done something so that he can no longer sunbathe in Mar-a-Lago," Mohammad-Javad Larijani, a former senior advisor to Iran’s Supreme Leader, said in an interview with state TV that has recently gone viral on social media.

"As he lies there with his stomach to the sun, a small drone might hit him in the navel. It’s very simple,” added Larijani, whose two brothers are among the Islamic Republic’s most powerful political figures.

Iranian clerics have called on Muslims to kill Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in retaliation for their threats on the life of Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei during the conflict.

US forces attacked three Iranian nuclear sites in a bid to disable Tehran's disputed program days after Trump said Washington was well aware of where Khamenei was sheltering during the war.

Larijani's comments came after an online platform calling itself "blood pact" began raising funds for what it calls “retribution against those who mock and threaten the Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei.” The site says to have collected over $40 million to date.

It was not immediately possible to verify the authenticity of the figure.

Bounty for Trump’s head

“We pledge to award the bounty to anyone who can bring the enemies of God and those who threaten the life of Ali Khamenei to justice,” a statement on the site said.

The campaign's stated aim is to raise $100 million for the killing of Donald Trump. It remains unclear who operates the site.

However, Fars News Agency, affiliated with the Revolutionary Guards, reported the launch of the Blood Pact initiative and called on religious groups in Iran and abroad to rally in front of Western embassies and central squares to express support for Khamenei.

The outlet also urged the application of “Islamic rulings on moharebeh” against both Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

In the Iranian legal system, moharebeh—literally “waging war against God”—is punishable by death.

President Masoud Pezeshkian sought to distance his government from the campaign, telling US commentator Tucker Carlson on Monday that “the fatwa of warfare has nothing to do with the Iranian government or the Supreme Leader.”

But Kayhan newspaper, overseen by a representative of Khamenei, dismissed the president's remark.

“This is not an academic opinion. It is a clear religious ruling in defense of faith, sanctities and especially the guardianship of the jurist,” it wrote in a Tuesday editorial, referring to Iran's system of clerical rule.

Any future “fire-starter” would face retaliation, the newspaper added concluding that “The Islamic Republic will drown Israel in blood.”

Former lawmaker Gholamali Jafarzadeh Imenabadi earlier condemned Kayhan’s position, saying: “I can’t believe Kayhan’s editor-in-chief Hossein Shariatmadari is Iranian ... saying Trump should be assassinated will bring the cost down on the people.”

In response, Kayhan wrote: “Today, avenging Trump is nearly a national demand. It is Imenabadi’s words that are out of step with Iranian values."

Trump has been a target for assassination threats since he ordered the 2020 killing of Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) General Qassem Soleimani in Iraq.

Last year, US law enforcement accused the IRGC of organizing a plot to kill Trump in retaliation for his order to assassinate Soleimani.

The request—made to Mahmoud Karimi, a hardline maddah closely aligned with Khamenei—capped not only ten days of mourning but two weeks of state-sponsored flag-waving to rally a war-worn people.

In processions that traditionally focus on the martyrdom of Imam Hussein, mourners this year chanted not just elegies, but songs about Iran and its ancient glory.

The one Khamenei called for begins with the line: “You remain in my soul and spirit, O homeland.”

Patriotism over piety

Muharram marks the death of the Shiites’ third Imam, killed in 680 CE at the Battle of Karbala.Iranians typically observe the month with processions, recitations, and rituals such as chest-beating or striking the back with chains. Events may be state-funded or grassroots.

This year, however, the ceremonies unfolded just weeks after the 12-day war with Israel and a fragile ceasefire.

State media and cultural institutions quickly moved to frame the mood, promoting a unified nationalist-religious narrative. A new slogan was emblazoned on banners, billboards, and public screens across cities: Iran, loyal to Hussein, will always prevail.

For the first time, patriotic anthems like O Iran—composed in 1944 and long associated with opposition movements—were performed during ceremonies. In previous years, such songs might have drawn censure or bans.

In many neighborhoods, the Iranian tricolor flew alongside the black and green standards of Karbala. Officials and local municipalities provided logistical and financial support to mourning groups that embraced the new tone.

State control, grassroots defiance

Khamenei’s Ashura appearance followed three nights of absence from the annual ceremonies held at his residence—an unusual break that had fueled speculation about his health.

His brief presence, and the seemingly spontaneous request for My Iran, was widely viewed as carefully orchestrated: a symbolic moment signaling that patriotic devotion now held equal standing with religious mourning in the Islamic Republic’s ideological framework.

The regime has long drawn on the defiance of Imam Hussein to frame its political posture, casting enemies such as Israel, the United States, and domestic critics as modern-day Yazids.

But Muharram has never been solely the regime’s domain. Despite increasing state choreography, it remains a space where protest and dissent can still break through.

During the widespread protests of 2022, some mourning groups adopted openly critical tones, invoking the deaths of young protesters at the hands of security forces. Echoes of that defiance surfaced again this year.

After the 12-day war which saw 15,500 Israelis displaced and 28 dead, respondents were asked, “In your opinion, did Israel achieve its goals in the war against Iran?”

The majority of Jews, 60%, think that Israel achieved most or all of the goals it set for itself when it launched surprise attacks on Iran on June 13.

However, there were large differences between Jews and the country’s 20% Arab population, of whom only 37% said they agree.

The survey, published by the independent think-tank on Monday, was based on a representative sample of the population in Israel aged 18 and above, comprising 603 Jewish interviewees and 150 Arab interviewees.

The majority of Jewish Israelis had backed war with Iran, but in the wake of the operation which saw more than 450 ballistic missiles fired at the Jewish state, reflections on the operation’s enduring success continue.

US President Donald Trump says that Iran’s nuclear program was “obliterated” by American strikes on Iran's three key nuclear facilities which took place after Israel destroyed swathes of Iran's military infrastructure.

The war left over 1,100 Iranians dead and thousands more injured, according to rights group HRANA.

“The hackers may have accessed the computers of affected colleagues by installing malware via their compromised Telegram accounts. These incidents have been addressed as part of our continuing work with the relevant security authorities,” read a statement by the channel.

Earlier on Tuesday, Iranian state outlets published screenshots from internal Telegram chats linked to Iran International.

The attacks were carried out by the cyber group known as Banished Kitten (also referred to as Storm-0842 and Dune). The group operates under the Cyber Threat Countermeasures Unit of the Domestic Security Directorate of Iran’s Ministry of Intelligence, under the supervision of Yahya Hosseini Panjaki, whose
identity was first exposed by Iran International.

"These cyberattacks are part of a broader campaign of threats targeting Iran International, including physical threats against our staff," the statement added.

"As a news organization committed to independent journalism, we implemented the necessary measures following these incidents to protect our staff and audiences," it said.

"We remain resolute in our mission to deliver accurate, uncensored news to our audience, and we will not allow these threats—online or offline—to disrupt our work. These attempts to intimidate us will not succeed," the channel added.

Iran International is a Persian-language TV news network that broadcasts 24/7 and has a strong following in Iran, despite government efforts to restrict access to the internet and satellite signals. Tehan has labelled it a terrorist organisation.

Iran International has previously been the subject of threats and attacks. In 2023, a man was convicted under terrorism laws after filming outside its premises, and in 2024, Pouria Zeraati, the television host of the "Last Word" program on Iran International was stabbed in London.