Iran International
Millions of Iranians across the world are welcoming Nowruz, an ancient tradition deeply rooted in Iran's heritage, marking the beginning of 1404 in the Persian solar calendar.
Nowruz is more than just a celebration of renewal, prosperity, and the arrival of spring; it is a cultural cornerstone that has survived centuries of change. Its enduring spirit reflects the resilience of Persian heritage, bridging the past and present while continuing to bring families and communities together.
Nowruz begins at a precise astronomical moment—the Spring Equinox, usually on March 21—when families gather around the traditional haft-seen table, exchanging greetings and gifts to welcome the new year. If the Equinox falls in the second half of March 20, celebrations begin earlier, though the new calendar year officially starts the next day.
Nowruz and the Iranian Calendar
Unlike the lunar-based Islamic calendar, where the year is 1446, the Iranian calendar follows the solar-based Jalali system, introduced in 1079 AD. The first year of the Jalali calendar aligns with Prophet Muhammad’s migration (Hijra), yet its months are named after ancient Persian deities, reflecting Iran’s fusion of Islamic and pre-Islamic traditions.
The lunar-based calendar is around ten days shorter each year than the Iranian calendar year. This sometimes causes an overlap between Nowruz and Shia mourning days or Ramadan. Like last year, Nowruz coincides with Ramadan this month, and the second day of the New Year will be a mourning day for the first Shia saint, Imam Ali. Such coincidences complicate the celebrations for observant Muslims and others in Iran who must be careful not to offend the former by making a show of the festive Nowruz spirit.
Endurance of a pre-Islamic festival
Despite Iran’s Islamification 1,400 years ago and the 1979 Islamic Revolution, Nowruz remains a cherished festival, celebrated not only in Iran but also in neighboring countries including Afghanistan, Turkmenistan, Azerbaijan, and by Kurds in Turkey and Iraq.
Some Iranian clerics and their followers oppose or are lukewarm toward Nowruz due to its pre-Islamic origins and perceived ties to Zoroastrianism. However, the Islamic Republic has never sought to ban the widely celebrated holiday. Instead, it has used state media, mosques, and propaganda organizations to elevate Islamic holidays—including the birthday of Prophet Mohammed, Eid al-Fitr, and Eid al-Adha—seeking to enhance their festive significance.
Folk music group performing at Pasargadae on Nowruz day, March 21, 2023
Ancient Origins: From Persepolis to Today
Nowruz dates back to the Achaemenid Empire (550–330 BC) and likely has roots in ancient agricultural festivals that celebrated the cycle of nature. Some scholars believe it was influenced by the Babylonian spring festival of Akitu, which inspired Persians to establish their own New Year tradition.
Historical evidence suggests that parts of the Persepolis complex, such as the Apadana Palace and the Hall of a Hundred Columns, were constructed for grand Nowruz ceremonies. The famous bas-reliefs of Apadana Palace, depicting people from various regions bringing gifts to the Persian king, may represent Nowruz celebrations at the heart of the empire.
The Haft-Seen: A Table of Symbols
At the heart of Nowruz celebrations in Iran is the haft-seen, a carefully arranged spread on the floor or a table that symbolically embodies light, life, fertility, nature, and prosperity.
The names of at least seven items on the spread must start with the Persian letter “sin”, possibly derived from “sini” (meaning tray), as it was once customary to display them on seven trays. These items include sprouted greens (sabzeh), Coins (sekkeh), Apples (sib), a pudding made from freshly sprouted wheat germ (samanu), sumac (somagh), garlic (sir), hyacinths (sonbol) and vinegar (serkeh).
A mirror and candles (symbols of light), painted eggs (symbol of fertility), goldfish (symbol of life), as well as various sweets and nuts, and a holy book (such as the Quran) are often also placed on the spread.
The family gathers around the spread, and when the Equinox is announced on radio or television, they embrace and exchange well wishes. The head of the family distributes gifts, often crisp new banknotes placed inside the Quran for blessing, while sweets are shared to usher in a sweet and prosperous new year.
Traditionally, people visit the eldest members of their extended families as soon as possible after the new year begins. During the holiday season, they continue visiting other relatives and acquaintances, with each visit expected to be reciprocated.
Traditional Nowruz cuisine
Food is central to Nowruz celebrations, with special dishes symbolizing renewal and abundance. While traditional Nowruz meals once varied widely across regions, they were shaped by local ingredients and culinary traditions.
Since the mid-20th century, however, a fragrant rice dish with fresh herbs (sabzi polo), served with pan-fried fish and a rich green herb omelet (kuku sabzi), has become the most common Nowruz meal. Previously, this combination was mostly popular in the northern Caspian Sea region.
Rice mixed with noodles, served with various meat or chicken-based stews, and ash-e reshteh—a hearty soup made with legumes, herbs, and noodles—are also popular Nowruz dishes. The noodles in these meals are believed to symbolize the unraveling of life’s complexities and a clear path for the year ahead.
At the start of the year in March 2024, Iran was already grappling with a broken economy and the looming threat of political unrest. Regionally, however, it still appeared strong and could plausibly project itself as a serious challenge to US and Israeli interests.
Conflict with Israel
As the year began, Israel was deeply engaged in its war with Iran-backed Hamas in Gaza. Tehran confidently claimed that its regional adversary was stuck in an unwinnable conflict, boasting about its so-called Resistance Front and threatening to escalate against both Israel and US interests. Yemen's Houthis were already disrupting shipping in the Red Sea and launching missiles at Israel.
Houthi attacks on maritime trade which began in November 2023 following a declaration by Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei inflicted an estimated $200 billion in losses on the global economy.
Less than a month into the Iranian year, Tehran launched a large-scale missile and drone strike on Israel In April 2024 in response to Israeli attacks on Iranian targets in Syria.
While most projectiles were intercepted with minimal damage, the Islamic Republic framed it as a significant blow against the "Zionist entity." At the time, Tehran appeared strong, seemingly capable of deterring its most determined adversary.
However, the tide began to turn in late July when Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh was killed in an explosion while staying at a government guesthouse in Tehran.
It remains unclear whether the incident was caused by a planted explosive or an Israeli missile strike, but the ability of Tehran's arch-foe to strike seemingly anywhere was lost on no one.
The assassination would be just one of many, crescendoing with the killing of Hezbollah leaders via their bomb-laden communication devices and culminating in the assassination of its storied leader Hassan Nasrallah.
Political crisis
Before these epochal blow, Iran suffered another major shock in May when hardline President Ebrahim Raisi and his foreign minister died in a mysterious helicopter crash in northwestern Iran.
Many doubted the official explanation of bad weather, which was never conclusively proven, fueling speculation about a high-level internal plot or an Israeli operation.
Raisi had been widely regarded as ineffective, presiding over a rapidly deteriorating economy since taking office in 2021.
In June, Iran held presidential elections, with several key candidates disqualified through a vetting process controlled by Khamenei. Ultimately, Masoud Pezeshkian, a politician with no executive experience, faced hardliner Saeed Jalili in a low-turnout runoff and won.
During his campaign, Pezeshkian made it clear that he had no plans beyond executing Khamenei’s directives.
Some Iranians still hoped for limited reforms and a diplomatic breakthrough to ease US sanctions. However, when Khamenei formally banned negotiations in early February 2025, Pezeshkian pledged loyalty to his decision, disappointing even his Reformist supporters.
Economic crisis
By mid-2024, with Hezbollah and Hamas weakened and Israel growing more confident in striking Iranian military targets, Iran’s economic woes deepened. The rial, which had been around 550,000 per dollar in September, plunged to 900,000 by February and even hit one million by March 18.
The worsening economic picture underscored a government unable to halt a downward spiral. Severe energy shortages crippled both households and industries throughout fall and winter, with the government regularly announcing power shutdowns across the country due to heating and electricity failures.
Iran’s oil exports to China continued through intermediaries and at deep discounts, but the Trump administration escalated sanctions on oil tankers and trading entities following Biden’s late-term crackdown on exports.
Revenues from these limited exports fell far short of meeting the government’s foreign currency needs, especially given Tehran’s ongoing financial commitments to regional proxy groups.
Bleak outlook
Many political insiders in Tehran now say Pezeshkian’s administration may be incapable of addressing the worsening economic crisis. The only potential relief would come from easing US sanctions, but Khamenei has so far resisted Trump’s pressure to make concessions.
It remains unclear whether Washington seeks only a binding agreement to prevent Iran from enriching uranium to weapons-grade levels or whether it also aims to curb Tehran’s ballistic missile program and regional activities.
Khamenei appears to be employing delaying tactics, hoping circumstances shift in his favor or that he can stall until the next US elections. Meanwhile, Trump continues to tighten sanctions and increase military threats, either directly or through Israel.
Another critical challenge is the risk of public unrest due to soaring prices and a growing sense of political instability.
While the Islamic Republic has repeatedly demonstrated its willingness to use deadly force against protesters, its ability to quash mass uprisings is not guaranteed.
If essential goods approach hyperinflation levels, even the security forces and loyalist cadres—who rely on fixed incomes—could begin to waver.
The decision of the Supreme National Security Council (SNSC) not to enforce the controversial law could not have been made without the approval of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, who has avoided discussing the issue in his speeches for months.
Enforcing the morality legislation—which imposes severe penalties, including heavy fines and prison sentences on women who violate strict hijab rules, as well as businesses that fail to comply—could be highly provocative under current conditions, potentially sparking widespread anti-government protests.
Internal clash over the enforcement of the hijab law
Mahmoud Nabavian, a senior member of the hardline Paydari (Steadfastness) Party and the Parliament’s National Security and Foreign Policy Committee, is facing backlash from his allies after condemning recent protests led by radical elements. His remarks have surprised many within his faction, where he was long regarded as a key figure and a strict enforcer of their agenda.
Despite playing a key role in drafting the hijab legislation, Nabavian now argues that preserving the Islamic Republic must take precedence over enforcing the law—implicitly acknowledging the risk of unrest. “If implementing the hijab law creates tensions and weakens the system, it should automatically be set aside,” he said last week.
According to the Islamic Republic’s founder, Ruhollah Khomeini, preserving the system must take “utmost priority,” even if it requires temporarily setting aside religious obligations like prayer and fasting. By that logic, hijab would be no exception—a stance authorities now seem compelled to accept, much to the frustration of the hardline political and religious establishment.
Concerns over national stability
Nabavian justified the security council’s suspension of the hijab law by pointing to major geopolitical developments—the fall of Bashar al-Assad in Syria and Israel’s assassination of Hezbollah chief Hassan Nasrallah. He argued that enforcing the law at this time could provide foreign adversaries with an opportunity to destabilize Iran.
“Given the country’s and the region’s current conditions, especially the situation in Yemen, and the need for national unity, we must all support the implementation of the law but polarizing the society, calling for illegal gatherings, and staging street protests—no matter the faction—are against the country’s interests,” Nabavian warned in an X post on Sunday. His remarks came after the US military launched massive airstrikes against Iran-aligned Houthi rebels in Yemen on Saturday.
Hasan Soleimani, editor-in-chief of the hardline Mashregh News, a publication believed to be linked to the Revolutionary Guards Intelligence Organization (SAS), defended Nabavian’s position. In an X post, he accused radical hardliners of using the hijab issue as a pretext to disrupt the country’s stability. He went further, comparing them to the Forqan group—an Islamist faction that carried out assassinations against officials of the newly established Islamic Republic, including a failed attempt on Khamenei’s life in 1981.
Highlighting defiance of Khamenei’s decisions
Nabavian also accused ultra-hardliners—whom he refers to as “super-revolutionaries” or “radicals”—of openly defying Khamenei, citing their opposition to Covid vaccination. “I won’t even mention the disgraceful remarks they made [about Khamenei’s own vaccination],” he said last week. He also linked their defiance to more recent criticism over Iran’s two-month delay in 2024 before retaliating against Israel’s attack on Iranian military facilities—a decision ultimately made by Khamenei.
Similarly, if Khamenei decides to permit direct talks with the Trump administration in the coming weeks or months, ultra-hardliners’ reaction could pose a significant challenge. He ruled out the possibility of such talks in a recent speech and has so far not acknowledged the US President’s letter to him. Former President Hassan Rouhani suggested a few days ago that Khamenei’s stance could change depending on circumstances, as it did in 2013 when he allowed secret talks with the US.
Warnings of a fragile political climate
Citing the hardliners' protests in Mashhad against moderate conservative Hassan Rouhani’s government on December 28, 2017, some media outlets and analysts have warned that demonstrations organized by “super-revolutionaries” could similarly spiral out of control.
The Mashhad protests quickly spread nationwide, with demonstrators in several cities chanting against Khamenei. The weeklong unrest resulted in at least 25 deaths and thousands of arrests.
However, the current situation is fundamentally different from 2017, an article in the reformist Etemad daily warned on Sunday. It pointed to Trump's presence in the White House and heightened regional tensions, citing a statement from the Supreme National Security Council Secretariat that cautioned any provocation or political polarization could cause irreparable damage to the country.