Iran International
A senior member of the Iranian parliament (Majles) has proposed replacing Iran's problematic presidential election system with a model in which the Supreme Leader directly appoints the President.
Speaking to Didban Iran (Iran Monitor) on Thursday, Osman Salari, the deputy chairman of the parliament's legal committee, defended his proposed system, arguing that it “is not against religious democracy.” In Iran’s political structure, this form of pseudo-democracy restricts voter choice by allowing only candidates approved and shortlisted by the hardliner-dominated Guardian Council to appear on the ballot. In addition, political parties are severely restricted, and media is either government owned or monitored and controlled.
Salari added that although the Supreme Leader is the true head of the government, there is nothing wrong with him appointing a President to lead the executive branch.
Several Iranian media outlets and politicians have previously suggested replacing the public election of the President with a parliamentary system in which the President is chosen by members of parliament.
Public trust in the president's office and the tightly controlled election system has declined over the past 15 years, as it has become increasingly clear that the president has limited authority over major state issues.
According to the government-owned Iranian Students News Agency (ISNA), the parliamentary system was most recently discussed in January 2022 when the agency analyzed the pros and cons of the two systems, drawing on the views of prominent Iranian political scientist Hossein Bashirieh.
ISNA outlined the advantages and disadvantages in a report, stating, "In the presidential system, both the parliament and the President are elected by the people for fixed terms. The parliament cannot remove the President from office, although it can impeach him. Conversely, the President does not have the authority to dissolve the parliament."
ISNA contrasted this with the parliamentary system, noting, "In the parliamentary system, the parliament can dismiss the head of the government (usually a prime minister) by withdrawing its vote of confidence. The Prime Minister also has the power to dissolve the parliament and call for new elections." The report also highlighted that the separation of the three branches of government is more clearly defined in the parliamentary system.
The push by Iranian politicians and media to change the political system stems from the ongoing conflict between the Supreme Leader and the President since the establishment of the Islamic Republic in 1979. Since Khamenei became Supreme Leader the situation has gradually worsened as he has systematically monopolized power.
As Salari observed in his interview with Didban Iran, "all of Iran's former Presidents since 1989 have been accused of deviation," and Khamenei distanced himself from each of them before the end of their terms. Salari added that although these Presidents initially received Khamenei's endorsement, they often pursued political, economic, and social policies that diverged from his views. This divergence complicated decision-making, particularly on key economic and foreign policy issues.
Salari argued that “directly appointing presidents by Khamenei is still democratic because Khamenei was indirectly elected by the people.” However, this claim is controversial given the circumstances of his election by the Assembly of Experts, which was heavily influenced by its former deputy chairman, Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani. Videos available online show Rafsanjani using his considerable influence to suppress opposition to Khamenei’s election.
In 2011, Khamenei expressed support for the idea of the president being elected by parliament, but he did not pursue it further despite the concept being revisited several times since then.
However, Salari's proposal is fundamentally different, as it places the choice of a president in the hands of one individual. It is unlikely that this idea will progress beyond mere suggestion, as Khamenei has consistently avoided taking direct responsibility for decisions that could significantly impact the structure of the government. He appears to prefer having a president elected by others, allowing him to distance himself and criticize the president if things go wrong.
Over the past two decades, Valentine’s Day has grown increasingly popular in Iran, frustrating authorities who have spent nearly half a century trying to Islamicize society and shield young people from Western cultural influences.
In 2010, Iran’s police and judicial authorities condemned Valentine’s Day celebrations as part of a “Western cultural onslaught”, imposing a ban on businesses selling Valentine’s Day gifts and decorations.
Since then, police have occasionally cracked down on shops selling gifts and cafés hosting Valentine’s celebrations, where young people gather with red balloons, roses, teddy bears, and other tokens of affection. Despite these efforts, Valentine’s Day has continued to gain popularity, even spreading to religious cities such as Qom and Mashhad, home to two of Shiism’s most important shrines and seminaries.
A call to revive Sepandarmazgan
Beyond government opposition, some Iranians also criticize the growing influence of Western holidays, advocating for the revival of ancient Iranian festivals instead. They argue that Sepandarmazgan, or Espandgan for short, offers a more culturally authentic alternative to Valentine’s Day.
Falling on February 23 this year, Sepandarmazgan is dedicated to Sepandarmaz (Holy Devotion), one of the seven divine entities emanating from Ahura Mazda, the Zoroastrian creator god.
In ancient Iranian tradition, Sepandarmaz was revered as a feminine divine force linked to the Earth and women, symbolizing fertility and prosperity. Unlike Anahita—an earlier goddess of love, fertility, and water whose worship was later absorbed into Zoroastrianism—Sepandarmaz was never portrayed in human form in ancient artifacts.
Sending text messages and giving gifts to loved ones on Espandgan instead of Valentine's Day has been gaining popularity in recent years.
According to a recent article published by the Student News Network, a hardline news outlet, presenting Espandgan as an alternative to Valentine’s Day fails to prevent the spread of Western cultural values. Instead, it merely repackages the same concepts in a form that contradicts the Islamic way of life.
Espandgan in history and modern Zoroastrianism
Iran’s Zoroastrian community, though now small, continues to celebrate Espandgan with solemn religious rituals and prayers, including recitations from the Avesta—their holy book—at fire temples and sacred shrines, such as Pir-e Sabz in Yazd.
According to the 11th-century historian Al-Biruni, however, Espandgan was widely observed in parts of Iran as a day honoring women. On this occasion, women were exempt from housework, and men showered their wives with gifts. Additionally, women freely expressed their love to the men they wished to marry, a tradition that resonates with modern romantic celebrations.
Government opposition to pre-Islamic traditions
Despite the historical significance of Espandgan, Iran’s religious and political establishment remains resistant to promoting pre-Islamic festivals as substitutes for Western celebrations like Valentine’s Day and Christmas—both of which remain widely celebrated despite official disapproval.
In recent years the celebration of Christmas has also become very popular in Iran.
Beyond Valentine's Day, the hardline religious and political establishment also opposes other ancient festivals including the Winter Solstice festival of Yalda (or Shab-e Chelleh) which marks the longest night of the year, and Charshanbeh Soori, a bonfire festival held on the evening of the last Tuesday before the Iranian New Year (Nowrouz) as relics of paganism.
Charshanbeh Soori often turns into a battle between the merry-making youth who celebrate it on the streets and the police, Basij militia of the Revolutionary Guards, and vigilante groups who crack down on them in larger cities such as Tehran.
In an attempt to counter pre-Islamic traditions and calendar events, authorities have sought to elevate Islamic occasions, designating the birthday of Fatima, daughter of Prophet Muhammad, as Women’s Day. The birthday of Imam Ali, the first Shiite Imam, has similarly been designated as Men’s Day while the anniversary of Fatima and Ali’s marriage has been added to the official calendar as Marriage Day.