Children killed in the strike on Shajareh Tayyebeh School in Minab, Iran, on February 28, 2026
Newly released surveillance footage appears to show repeated strikes hitting a primary school in the southern Iranian city of Minab on the first day of the war, an attack Iranian authorities say killed more than 100 children and teachers.
The Shajareh Tayyebeh primary school, located in Minab in Hormozgan province, served boys and girls aged 7 to 12.
The school building stood in an area that once formed part of a Revolutionary Guards naval base but had reportedly been separated from the military compound by a wall for several years. Iranian officials say the school was privately run.
Research by Amnesty International’s Crisis Evidence Lab and its Iran team says US authorities could—and should—have known the building was a school and failed to take feasible precautions to avoid civilian harm.
Amnesty said the findings point at best to a serious intelligence failure by the US military and warned the strike could constitute an indiscriminate attack in violation of international humanitarian law.
Reuters has reported that two sources familiar with the matter said the strike may have resulted from outdated intelligence used during targeting, while an internal US military review found American forces were likely responsible for the attack.
The first strike occurred around 10 a.m. on February 28, when students were resting during a break. The explosion destroyed roughly half of one of the school’s buildings.
Mikail Mirdoraghi (9) killed in the school strike
Teachers gathered surviving children in the school’s prayer hall and called parents to collect them. Shortly afterward, a second missile struck the same building, killing many of the remaining children, teachers and some parents who had rushed to the scene.
Iranian officials, including the mayor of Minab and the Ministry of Education, say the school was struck three times in total.
Images published by Iranian media in the days after the attack showed rescue workers pulling remains, severed limbs and children’s backpacks from beneath the rubble.
Iranian authorities say 168 people were killed, including about 120 children, as well as teachers and several parents who had come to retrieve their children after the first explosion. Nearly 100 others were reported injured.
The Norway-based human rights group Hengaw says it has independently identified 58 victims so far, including 48 children and 10 adults.
Behind the casualty figures are the stories of children whose lives ended in ordinary moments between lessons.
Among them were three girls—Mahdis Nazari, 7, and Sonar and Niayesh Salehi, both 9—members of their school’s skating team. Photos shared online before the attack show them at training sessions and competitions.
Iran’s skating federation later confirmed their deaths.
Another child whose story has circulated widely online is nine-year-old Mikail Mirdoraghi, a third-grade student. A photograph of him standing on the stairs of his home with a water bottle slung over his shoulder, waving goodbye, has been widely shared.
Mikail’s family had moved from Andimeshk in Khuzestan province to Minab because of his father’s job. After the attack, his 31-year-old mother, Shakiba Derikvand, identified his body among victims placed in refrigerated vehicles.
He was found lying beside his friend Alireza, still clutching his school backpack. His body was largely intact, though his face was bloodied, his mother said.
He was buried three days later in Andimeshk. A widely circulated image shows his grandfather lying beside the flower-covered grave.
“Mikail was afraid of the dark,” he reportedly said. “We always slept beside him. I don’t want him to be alone here at night.”
One of the most haunting details to emerge is a drawing Mikail reportedly made the night before the strike.
Found later in his backpack, it shows a school building with the Iranian flag above it, five children standing in the yard and three missiles descending toward them.
Former Iranian diplomats are warning that the war between Iran, the United States and Israel could fundamentally reshape the Middle East’s security order, with some predicting a prolonged conflict and deeper regional instability.
The comments come as US President Donald Trump said Thursday he would pause planned strikes on Iran’s energy infrastructure for 10 days until April 6, saying the move followed a request from Tehran and that negotiations were continuing.
Iranian officials have confirmed receiving proposals for talks but say they are reviewing them while insisting Iran will not accept ultimatums.
Former Iranian diplomats are warning that the war between Iran, the United States and Israel could fundamentally reshape the Middle East’s security order, with some predicting a prolonged conflict and deeper regional instability.
The comments come as U.S. President Donald Trump said Thursday he would pause planned strikes on Iran’s energy infrastructure for 10 days until April 6, saying the move followed a request from Tehran and that negotiations were continuing.
Iranian officials have confirmed receiving proposals for talks but say they are reviewing them while insisting Iran will not accept ultimatums.
The war, now entering its fourth week, has already drawn in multiple regional actors and heightened tensions around strategic chokepoints such as the Strait of Hormuz, raising concerns that a wider confrontation could disrupt global energy flows and destabilize the region further.
Saba Zanganeh, a former diplomat close to the office of Iran’s Supreme Leader, told the moderate outlet Fararu on March 25 that the conflict should prompt regional governments to reconsider their security policies and alliances.
He said regional governments have often acted as secondary players under foreign influence, worsening conflicts rather than resolving them. The current war, he added, offers a stark lesson that continuing the existing model will deepen regional crises.
He argued that decades of instability stem from what he described as “a flawed strategic paradigm shared by regional states and external powers,” which he said has repeatedly produced destruction and fragmentation in countries including Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Libya, Sudan, Somalia and Yemen.
Hossein Mousavian, Iran’s former ambassador to Germany, offered a more confrontational assessment.
Speaking to Etemad Online, he said Iranian officials increasingly view Persian Gulf Arab states as partners in the conflict, sharing what he described as a common objective of the “complete destruction of Iran.”
Mousavian said Tehran is preparing for the possibility of a broader confrontation involving the United States and its regional allies.
Another former diplomat, Kourosh Ahmadi, suggested the conflict may last far longer than initially expected.
Speaking to Fararu, he noted that both Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu first suggested the war might last only four to seven days before revising their estimates to several weeks. Even those expectations may prove unrealistic, he said.
Ahmadi pointed to Iran’s ability to restrict or control shipping in the Strait of Hormuz as a decisive factor in prolonging the conflict. As long as Tehran maintains that leverage over one of the world’s most critical energy chokepoints, he argued, the war is unlikely to end quickly.
“Israel seeks the collapse and incapacitation of Iran, not merely political concessions,” he said, arguing that Washington’s goals were more limited and often diverged from that of Israel.
Despite their different emphases, the three former diplomats share a similar underlying assessment: the current conflict risks evolving into a prolonged regional crisis whose consequences could reshape the Middle East for years.
An official from Iran’s Revolutionary Guards said the minimum age for participation in war-related support roles has been lowered to 12, according to remarks aired on state media.
Rahim Nadali, a cultural official with the Guards in Tehran, said an initiative called “For Iran” was recruiting participants to assist with activities such as patrols, checkpoints and logistics.
“Given that the age of those coming forward has dropped and they are asking to take part, we lowered the minimum age to 12,” he said, adding that 12- and 13-year-olds could now take part if they wished.
The comments were broadcast as part of state media coverage of the war effort.
The announcement has revived concerns over the use of minors in security-related roles in Iran.
During the 2022 protests triggered by the death of Mahsa Amini, images shared on social media appeared to show children and teenagers in military-style uniforms and protective gear, drawing criticism from child rights advocates.
The move comes despite Iran’s commitments under the Convention on the Rights of the Child, which prohibits the use of children in military activities.
Human rights groups have also repeatedly accused Iranian authorities of killing child protesters during past crackdowns. The Center for Human Rights in Iran said security forces killed more than 200 children during a wave of protests in early 2026.
Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have also documented cases of children being shot, detained and abused during demonstrations, saying government forces have used lethal force against minors in violation of international law.
Some Tehran commentators say any US attempt to seize Iranian islands in the Persian Gulf could play directly into the IRGC’s long-standing strategy of capturing American troops for leverage.
Much of the commentary in Iranian media and political circles frames such a scenario as an opportunity rather than a risk for Tehran, arguing that deploying US forces on Iranian territory would expose them to capture by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and potentially inflict a political humiliation on Washington.
The idea has deep roots in Iran’s political rhetoric. Mohsen Rezai, the former IRGC commander who once floated the proposal of capturing US troops and demanding large sums for their release, now serves as a senior military adviser to Iran’s new Supreme Leader, Mojtaba Khamenei.
Former IRGC commander Hossein Kanani Moghaddam said last week that one scenario allegedly considered by the United States involved focusing on Iran’s southern islands and attempting to seize them to gain control over Persian Gulf oil routes.
“If Trump were to deploy air and naval forces along with Delta Force commandos in a ground operation, the battlefield would shift entirely in our favor,” Kanani Moghaddam said. “By killing or capturing American soldiers, we could raise the level of US losses to a point where they would quickly regret their actions.”
He added that such losses could trigger a political backlash in Washington and even lead to impeachment proceedings against President Donald Trump.
The prospect of an occupation of an Iranian island has also been linked in Iranian commentary to the broader diplomatic standoff between Tehran and Washington.
Despite Trump’s references to “constructive negotiations,” Iranian officials argue that US military threats undermine any possibility of diplomacy.
On March 25, Foreign Ministry spokesman Esmail Baghaei said Iran had already experienced “two catastrophic examples” of trusting US diplomacy. “Over the past nine months, the United States has attacked Iran twice in the middle of negotiations,” he said. “This was a betrayal of diplomacy.”
In a March 23 interview with the Iranian outlet Fararu, Jalal Sadatian, Iran’s former chief diplomat in London, said Trump could not simultaneously threaten military action against Iranian territory while expecting Tehran to accept ceasefire proposals.
Sadatian also warned that Iranian retaliation could expand beyond direct confrontation with US forces. He pointed to the IRGC’s earlier warnings that electricity-generation facilities and desalination plants in regional countries could be targeted if Iran’s own critical infrastructure were attacked.
According to Sadatian, Tehran had long warned that any attack on Iran would trigger a broader regional war. He argued that Washington underestimated Iran’s willingness and ability to strike US bases across the region.
Residents across Iran report a surge in security measures, nighttime patrols and pro-government rallies that they say are creating an atmosphere of fear and intimidation during the ongoing war, according to messages sent to Iran International.
Accounts from multiple cities describe a pattern of increased checkpoints, armed deployments and organized nightly gatherings, with many residents saying the measures appear aimed at controlling the population rather than addressing external threats.
Witnesses said checkpoints have been set up across urban areas, often staffed by masked security personnel and Basij volunteers, some described as very young.
Vehicles carrying heavy weapons, including machine guns, have been stationed at major intersections, with officers pointing weapons toward passing cars.
“Many of them are very young, some as young as teenagers,” one resident said, adding that “the feeling for me and many others is fear.”
Residents said the checkpoints have disrupted daily life, causing heavy traffic and repeated stops. Some described being questioned without clear cause, while others said their phones were searched.
“It feels like they are looking for any small excuse to harass people or even arrest them,” a resident said.
Reports of such measures have come not only from major cities but also smaller towns, where residents described patrol vehicles moving through streets with mounted weapons.
In one account, security forces were said to require drivers to turn off their headlights when entering checkpoints.
Nightly pro-government rallies
Alongside the security presence, residents reported nightly pro-government gatherings in many cities, often involving convoys of vehicles, loudspeakers and armed escorts.
In several locations, groups of supporters were seen moving through streets broadcasting slogans such as “Death to America” and “Death to Israel,” while others chanted religious slogans at high volume.
Residents said the gatherings often continued late into the night or early morning hours.
“These gatherings create more anger than fear,” one resident said, adding that even small groups were accompanied by armed personnel.
Others described loudspeakers mounted on vehicles or in neighborhoods broadcasting chants and songs through the night. “They disrupt the entire neighborhood,” a resident said, describing noise that continued into the early hours.
Some residents said the gatherings included participants wearing symbolic clothing and issuing verbal threats, while others reported that passing cars were stopped and checked if occupants were seen using mobile phones.
Across multiple accounts, residents described the measures as coordinated and sustained over recent weeks, coinciding with intensified military activity in the region.
“There is a clear pattern in how these actions are carried out at night,” one source said, adding that the focus appeared to be on “creating fear and preventing any form of protest.”
While state media has highlighted military activity and messaging around national defense, residents said their primary concerns remain daily living conditions and personal safety.
“We are struggling to get by,” one resident said. “People are worried about their lives, not these displays.”