US names former Iran prisoner as senior advisor – Politico

The Trump administration has ruled out any Iranian uranium enrichment, calling it a red line in negotiations with the Islamic Republic — a condition Iran considers unacceptable.

Iran’s foreign ministry recently sent a message to Omani officials, urging them to implore Washington to soften its demands, the sources told Iran International on condition of anonymity.

“Given the dependency of Iran’s financial markets—currency, gold, and stocks—on the outcome of the negotiations, the message emphasized that a diplomatic compromise is possible if the United States moderates its position,” one source said.

Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said on Tuesday that Tehran was reviewing the possibility of holding a new round of negotiations with Washington—an indication that Iran was awaiting a response from the US via Oman, the sources told Iran International.

Oman's foreign minister announced on Wednesday that Iran and the United States will hold the fifth round of nuclear talks in Rome on Friday, May 23.

No clear alternative

Iranian officials, the sources added, are concerned about the absence of a clear diplomatic alternative if talks collapse.

There is currently no alternative strategy to manage the crisis and govern the country in the event of the negotiations’ failure, they said, stressing that maintaining the diplomatic track remains a priority for Tehran.

Reuters reported on Wednesday, citing three unnamed Iranian sources, that the Iranian leadership has no clear contingency plan should the nuclear talks fail.

The sources suggested that while Iran might pivot toward China and Russia as an alternative strategy, such a path would be fraught with challenges. China is entangled in a trade war with the US, and Russia remains mired in its military conflict in Ukraine.

The alternative plan is simply to continue the pre-negotiation strategy, Reuters reported citing a senior Iranian official, suggesting that Iran would avoid escalating tensions while reinforcing ties with allies such as Russia and China

The UAE's state-owned The National reported on Monday citing two Iranian officials, that the negotiations between Washington and Tehran have stalled due to disagreements over uranium enrichment levels, and Tehran has not yet accepted Oman's invitation for a fifth round of talks with the US.

On Tuesday Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei dismissed US demands to halt uranium enrichment as “nonsense and excessive.” He also warned that the likelihood of successful negotiations remains low, signaling a toughening stance at the highest levels of the Islamic Republic.

Iran's President Masoud Pezeshkian will visit Oman on May 27–28 at the invitation of Sultan Haitham bin Tariq, the president's office announced on Wednesday.

While Oman is mediating nuclear talks between Iran and the United States, the nuclear issue is not currently on the official agenda for Pezeshkian's visit.

In his speech, Khamenei questioned the value of engaging with the United States and dismissed the enrichment red line set by the administration of President Donald Trump.

The Islamic Republic seeks no one’s permission, he said, adding that he doubted the negotiations would yield any results.

Such remarks have cast fresh uncertainty over a process already clouded by confusion over what has been discussed if such basic disagreements linger.

But has Khamenei really pulled the plug on diplomacy, or is he just shifting focus from one track to another?

Could there be multiple negotiation tracks?

Short answer: yes.

Under President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (2005–2013), Iran pursued diplomacy on multiple fronts. Ahmadinejad and one of his vice presidents held indirect talks via foreign intermediaries, while chief negotiator Saeed Jalili—officially representing Khamenei—led formal talks with European counterparts.

Meanwhile, foreign minister Ali Akbar Salehi, with Khamenei’s blessing, quietly opened a channel with the US in Oman. That secret track ultimately laid the groundwork for the 2015 nuclear deal.

Where is the second track now?

During President Trump’s recent visit to Saudi Arabia, Iran’s former national security chief Ali Shamkhani appeared on NBC, hinting at a proposal for compromise on uranium enrichment.

Trump reposted the message twice, signaling his approval, and remarked that negotiations appeared to be moving in the right direction.

The move appeared to have blindsided foreign minister Araghchi, whose spokesman insisted Shamkhani was not speaking for the official negotiating team.

Both Araghchi and his team criticized US officials—particularly Trump and lead negotiator Steve Witkoff—for spreading misleading information. But Shamkhani stood firm in remarks and editorials carried by Nour News, an outlet closely linked to him.

Shamkhani also holds an institutional advantage: he sits as Khamenei’s representative in the Supreme Council of National Security, to which Araghchi is required to report after every round of talks with the Americans.

How are the two tracks different?

The core difference appears to be over uranium enrichment. Araghchi’s team seeks a deal that guarantees a minimum level of enrichment. Shamkhani’s approach, in contrast, may be less focused on technical thresholds.

But both tracks would ultimately fall under Khamenei’s authority. Internal dissent against his direction remains unthinkable at the highest levels.

Khamenei’s remarks on Tuesday may be the first step in rolling back on the foreign ministry’s effort in favor of seeing what a channel led by Shamkhani might yield behind the scenes.

Why multiple tracks though?

The leadership in Tehran may be testing which channel best serves its strategic objectives. Khamenei has managed multiple negotiation channels before.

If other figures within the system see a diplomatic opening as a path to future influence—especially in a post-deal or post-Khamenei era—he may well authorize additional backchannels.

He may also be seeking to prolong the process, hoping that a future US president will take a more conciliatory approach. Whether Trump would be willing to wait that long remains to be seen.

The parliamentary declaration follows Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei's skepticism on Tuesday regarding the success of ongoing indirect nuclear talks with the United States, and Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi's announcement that Iran is assessing its participation in the next round of negotiations.

The statement, read by parliamentary presidium member Mohammad Rashidi, said that Iran’s enrichment levels would not be capped at below 20% and would instead be determined by peaceful domestic demands.

It emphasized the importance of nuclear technology for non-military uses such as medicine, agriculture, energy, and desalination.

Iran is the only non-nuclear weapon state enriching uranium to 60% purity—a level the UN nuclear watchdog says has no credible civilian use and is technically close to weapons-grade 90% fissile material.

Lawmakers said Iran’s nuclear activities were fully in line with its rights under the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and the safeguards of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), calling any abandonment of the program “a betrayal of national interests and the country’s future.”

The statement came hours after Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said Tehran had yet to decide whether it would attend the next round of indirect nuclear negotiations with the United States.

“We are still assessing whether to participate,” Araghchi told reporters on Wednesday.

Araghchi added that uranium enrichment would continue “with or without an agreement,” and called on Western powers to lift what he described as “unjust sanctions.”

“If they make further demands and try to deprive us of our rights, there will be no room for acceptance,” he added.

Khamenei, who has the final say on state matters, warned on Tuesday that the outcome of diplomatic efforts remained unclear.

In their statement, Iranian lawmakers also said the US had no standing to dictate terms to Iran.

Following the reading of the statement, lawmakers chanted slogans against the United States and Israel.

The bill passed with 191 votes in favor, 8 against, and 2 abstentions out of 201 ballots cast, according to state media.

The agreement, initially signed by Russian President Vladimir Putin and Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian on January 17, was ratified by Russia’s State Duma in April.

While the pact does not include a mutual defense clause, it commits both nations to enhanced military-technical cooperation, joint military exercises, and coordination in the face of what they define as shared security threats.

“The strategic treaty is vital from economic, security, geopolitical, and diplomatic perspectives,” said Tehran lawmaker Hamid Rasai during the parliamentary debate. “Both Iran and Russia are under heavy Western sanctions. This partnership can help reduce dependence on the dollar and strengthen national and military security.”

Rasai added that Russia could potentially provide Iran with advanced weapons systems, including air defense technologies, fighter jets, and naval equipment.

Another MP, Mohammad Reza Ahmadi from Rasht, voiced support for the pact, saying, “It is in our interest to align with those who oppose America.”

The development comes against the backdrop of deepening military collaboration since the outbreak of the Ukraine war in 2022.

Western governments have accused Iran of supplying drones and missiles for Russia’s use on the battlefield, leading to economic sanctions, a charge Tehran has consistently denied.

Economically, the pact aims to ease bilateral trade and financial transactions, with provisions to expand interbank cooperation and promote the use of national financial instruments.

The move comes as both Tehran and Moscow remain under extensive Western sanctions.

Last week, a separate free trade agreement between Iran and the Russia-led Eurasian Economic Union came into effect, reducing tariffs to boost trade flows between the two economies.

In an article titled “Building a new reality for the region: Toward stability, sovereignty and solidarity in West Asia,” Araghchi painted a sobering picture of mounting challenges in the region, including protracted conflicts, environmental degradation, and humanitarian crises.

He argued that externally imposed security arrangements have repeatedly failed to deliver long-term stability.“The people of this region have paid the price for policies that were drafted without their consent or participation,” he wrote.

The top Iranian diplomat said the current geopolitical disorder is rooted in decades of unresolved conflicts, worsened by foreign interference.

He warned that issues like water scarcity, refugee displacement, and economic fragility are shared threats requiring regional cooperation rather than competitive power politics.

“Security in West Asia must no longer be treated as a zero-sum game,” Araghchi stressed. “It should be a collective endeavor based on mutual respect and inclusive dialogue.”

However, he warned that no regional security architecture would be complete without addressing the role of Israel, which he accused of persistent destabilization and operating outside international disarmament norms.

“A regime that systematically violates international law and enjoys unchecked military privilege cannot be part of any sustainable security framework,” Araghchi said, citing Israel’s nuclear ambiguity and history of regional military activity.

Araghchi called for West Asia to embrace a “homegrown paradigm of security” rooted in shared sovereignty and common prosperity, inviting global powers to support, rather than dictate, this transition.

“The future of West Asia will not be written in distant capitals,” he concluded. “It will be authored by the peoples of the region, based on frameworks reflecting their histories, cultures, and collective will.”

Araghchi’s article comes as indirect nuclear talks between Iran and the United States appear stalled, with both sides holding firm on uranium enrichment — a key sticking point each describes as a red line.

It also comes in the wake of a weakening of some of Iran's key military allies in the region, including Hezbollah in Lebanon and allied groups in Syria, once a military stronghold for Tehran under the presidency of ousted President Bashar al Assad.