Tehran-Washington talks in Rome stir resentment in Iran

In the days following the first round of indirect talks in Oman on April 12, which were followed by further discussions in Rome on Saturday, clerics, political figures, and media outlets compared a potential US-Iran agreement with a treaty the Prophet Muhammad signed with his adversaries in Mecca in 628 CE, showing a rare softened tone.

The Treaty of Hudaybiyyah allowed for a ten-year truce and provided Muslim access to pilgrimage in Mecca the following year in exchange for several concessions to the Prophet’s enemies.

Ayatollah Kazem Nourmofidi, Khamenei’s representative in Golestan Province, said in a sermon that at the time, some Muslims saw the treaty as unjust and believed the Prophet should not have conceded.

“But that peace proved to be a clear victory,” he argued, justifying the talks which had initially received so much criticism from the country's hardliners who have long opposed negotiations with the US.

An article on the current talks with the US published by Tasnim News Agency, which is affiliated with the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), similarly referred to the Prophet's negotiations with the enemies of Islam and the controversial Treaty of Hudaybiyyah, but argued that his strategic flexibility and concessions led to far greater conquests.

Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei made no direct reference to the recent Muscat talks during a speech to senior military commanders after the first round of talks in Oman but adopted a tone of cautious pragmatism later. “We are neither overly optimistic nor overly pessimistic about these talks,” he said—before offering a stark caveat: “I am very pessimistic about the other side.”

Khamenei’s calibrated remarks reflect a blend of strategic openness to diplomacy and deep skepticism about American intentions, appeasing the hardliners.

This is not the first time religious symbolism has been invoked to justify shifts in foreign policy. In 2013, as Iran began talks that led to the 2015 nuclear deal (the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, or JCPOA), Khamenei referred to his shift as a “heroic flexibility”—a reference to Imam Hassan, the second Shiite Imam, who accepted a truce with a hostile ruler to protect himself and his followers from harm.

Today, Khamenei’s renewed openness to negotiation has again fractured Iran’s hardline camp. Some factions have moved to align with the Supreme Leader’s position. Others—particularly ultra-hardliners who cannot openly challenge Khamenei without facing political consequences—remain visibly frustrated.

Speaking to the state news agency IRNA, Fatemeh Mohajerani said of the second round of indirect talks held in Rome, "These negotiations are being held with Oman's mediation and in a constructive atmosphere".

Highlighting the importance of lifting sanctions which have crippled Iran's economy since 2018 when US President Donald Trump pulled out of the JCPOA nuclear agreement, she said, “In the continuation of the negotiation path, we will welcome any practical initiative aimed at lifting sanctions".

Since then, further sanctions have been levied on Iran from around the world for both its crackdown on protesters and human rights abuses at home, as well as Iran's support for Russia's war on Ukraine.

She confirmed that expert-level consultations would continue in the coming days, followed by higher-level talks in Muscat.

However, she also pointed to Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei's position of being neither optimistic nor pessimistic about the negotiations.

"We are neither extremely optimistic nor extremely pessimistic about these talks," Khamenei said last week, adding however that “we are very pessimistic about the other side, but we are optimistic about our own capabilities."

Separately, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi wrote on the social media platform X on Saturday night that "optimism may be justified, but only with great caution."

"The second round of negotiations of talks were good and positive in a positive atmosphere."

He added that Iran had explained why the 2015 nuclear deal (JCPOA) was no longer sufficient for many in Iran.

The judiciary's news agency Mizan reported on Saturday that "disrespectful remarks by the directors of two media outlets regarding the Iran-America negotiations led to charges being filed against them."

The agency did not initially name the individuals involved.

However, the Revolutionary Guard-affiliated Fars news agency later identified the two as Mostafa Faghihi, owner of the Entekhab News Website, and Sajjad Abedi, managing editor of Talkhand-e Siasi (Political Satire).

The move comes shortly after a commentary on Raja News, another outlet linked to the Revolutionary Guard, criticized what it described as a rise in "fake news, rumors, and false accusations" against Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei in both online spaces and some official media.

Raja News specifically accused Faghihi of labeling critics of the nuclear talks as "hardliners with clichéd and nauseating" rhetoric.

The outlet also said that Abedi had dismissed Khamenei's recent statement about not making the country's issues dependent on negotiations as "nonsense."

Abedi responded on the social media platform X, saying that his comment was directed at the hardliners' remarks, not Khamenei's.

Khamenei has shifted his stance on talks since February when he described negotiating with US President Donald Trump as "dishonorable" and "irrational," but less than two months later, he greenlit indirect talks with the US.

This is not the first instance of the Iranian judiciary taking action against media figures commenting on the nuclear issue.

Earlier this month, Mizan reported charges against Hesamoddin Ashena, a former head of the Strategic Studies Center under former president Rouhani's administration, for a social media post criticizing the Islamic Republic authorities regarding Iran's approach to negotiations with the US.

The reformist Shargh daily also offered a public apology after it published a report about the potential renewed role of Mohammad Javad Zarif in the US talks.

Additionally, the Press Supervisory Board issued a warning to the editor-in-chief of the hardline Kayhan daily, which is managed by Khamenei's representative, for threats of assassination against President Donald Trump for the 2020 killing of IRGC's Qasem Soleimani.

Mohammad Sadr argued that Trump's concern over Iran potentially obtaining nuclear weapons stems from the perceived threat to Tel Aviv, not Washington.

Sadr stressed the importance of understanding Trump's personality traits – describing him as narcissistic and unpredictable – arguing they heavily influence US policy.

"We must expect zigzag positions, fluctuations in behavior, and contradictory policies," Sadr said, advising Iranian negotiators to proceed with calm and patience. "We have to prepare ourselves for negotiation ups and downs."

Sadr suggested a deal might be feasible if Trump's focus remains solely on preventing Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons – a goal Iran officially denies pursuing.

"However, if he wants to bring Israel's demands to the negotiating table – including a complete halt to enrichment or [curbs on] Iran's regional presence – naturally we will not reach an agreement," Sadr added.

He added that the outcome hinges on whether Trump's "personal desire for an achievement overcomes Israeli pressure for its security interests."

The timing of Saudi Defense Minister Prince Khalid bin Salman’s visit to Tehran on April 17—just days before the second round of Tehran-Washington negotiations—has heightened its significance, sending a clear signal to international actors, particularly the United States. The outcome of these nuclear-related talks could directly affect not only the security, defense, and foreign policies of Iran and Saudi Arabia, but also the broader strategic dynamics of the Middle East.

The visit

Prince Khalid bin Salman was accompanied by a high-level 70-member delegation, which included Riyadh’s ambassador to Yemen’s internationally recognized government. According to both sides, discussions focused on strengthening bilateral ties, regional stability, and cooperation on shared interests.

This marks only the second visit by a Saudi defense minister to Iran since the 1979 Islamic Revolution and the first since Prince Sultan bin Abdulaziz's visit in May 1999 during Mohammad Khatami's reformist presidency, which also included a meeting with Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei.

The Saudi minister's visit came after weeks of threats by President Donald Trump that if Tehran fails to reach an agreement with Washington it can expect some sort of military action.

The trip also coincided with Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi’s visit to Moscow and a brief visit to Tehran by IAEA Chief Rafael Grossi, further underscoring the significance of the moment for Iran’s foreign policy.

An assurance of neutrality to Tehran?

Many Iranian media outlets and analysts have highlighted remarks by Ali Shihabi, a Saudi analyst close to the royal court, regarding the visit’s underlying message.

“Saudi is clearly sending a message to Tehran that it will not be a conduit in any fashion towards an attack on Iran,” Shihabi told the Financial Times about the visit. “The kingdom supports President [Donald] Trump’s efforts to find a diplomatic solution to the nuclear crisis, and doesn’t want a war.”

Meanwhile, Iran’s hardline media outlets have warned of threats to regional states if diplomacy fails and Washington opts for military escalation.

“Saudi Arabia and the UAE also want to stay away from Tehran's possible wrath, while reassuring the global energy markets that in the event of a military conflict between Iran and the US, there will be no threat to the region's energy markets or oil fields,” a commentary by the state broadcaster’s Young Journalists Club (YJC) said.

“The Islamic Republic of Iran, while committed to maintaining peace and stability in the region, has repeatedly stated that it will deal with any threat to its national sovereignty and territorial integrity throughout the region,” the commentary added.

Possible Saudi mediation between Tehran and Washington

Iranian media also gave broad coverage to a tweet by independent journalist Laura Rozen, citing a regional source who claimed that Riyadh had “offered to host some sort of US-Iran meeting when Trump visits KSA, but it won’t work at this time.”

Referencing Saudi Arabia’s recent role in hosting Ukraine peace talks, a commentary in the reformist Shargh daily said Riyadh may be seeking a similar role in facilitating US-Iran dialogue. “This could enhance Saudi Arabia’s diplomatic standing on both regional and global fronts,” the article said, adding that the outcome of Iran-US negotiations would undoubtedly shape Riyadh’s future security, defense, and diplomatic strategies, and reverberate throughout the Middle East.

Tehran’s potential role in preventing escalation in Yemen

Analysts in Tehran suggest that one of Riyadh’s key goals was to seek Tehran’s help in preventing potential escalation by the Houthis, particularly in retaliation for recent US strikes. A repeat of the 2019 drone attacks on Saudi Aramco facilities—attributed to the Houthis—remains a major concern.

“Recent US strikes, sometimes carried out without full coordination with its Gulf allies, could jeopardize the fragile ceasefire and spark retaliatory Houthi attacks on Saudi infrastructure, a commentary published by Iran Diplomacy said. “Riyadh knows that the Houthis, while backed by Iran, have independent decision-making powers, but Tehran's influence could be effective in containing their actions.”