Ukraine summons Iran envoy to warn against missile supply to Russia
Ukraine's foreign ministry summoned Iran’s charge d’affaires Monday to warn Tehran against the consequences of ballistic missile shipments to Russia.
Ukraine's foreign ministry summoned Iran’s charge d’affaires Monday to warn Tehran against the consequences of ballistic missile shipments to Russia.
A report published last week by The Wall Street Journal suggested that Iran had transferred short-range ballistic missiles to Russia, prompting outrage in Kyiv. At least one Iranian lawmaker confirmed the report Sunday, conflicting a senior Revolutionary Guards commander who had dismissed the claim as “psychological warfare.”
White House national security spokesperson John Kirby added a layer of uncertainty to the situation Monday, when he refused to verify the Wall Street Journal report.
“I cannot confirm the reports that the transfer has happened,” he said in a presser, “but I would point you to what we've said in the past, that any such provision of that kind of technology… could, depending on what the deal, how it's consummated, have equally deleterious effects on the Middle East.”
“An Iran that already has an improving ballistic missile program, we can only assume would want to stand to gain from some sort of partnership with Russia to improve their capabilities in the region,” Kirby added.
Iran is known to have sent Russia drones, but a provision of ballistic missiles would be seen as a serious escalation. So far, no such deal has been officially announced. "No missile was sent to Russia," Brigadier Fazlollah Nozari, a high-ranking IRGC commander said Monday, calling the allegations "psychological warfare".
'Devastating consequences'
On Monday, Kyiv warned Iran that confirmation of such missile deliveries would have "devastating and irreparable consequences" for bilateral relations. Senior Ukrainian official Andrii Yermak further called for Western support, suggesting that his country “must be allowed to destroy warehouses storing these missiles in order to avoid terror."
Iran’s growing support for Russia’s war effort has also been criticized in Tehran. On Sunday, a former Iranian lawmaker who used to chair of the committee on national security and foreign policy slammed Iran's arms sales to Russia as "the dirtiest example of Russophilia", warning that the leaders of the Islamic Republic are “dragging” the country “further into global conflict and sanctions which have led to the country's worst economic crisis” in more than four decades.
Also on Sunday, a sitting Iranian MP seemed to confirm Tehran’s military assistance to Russia, albeit downplaying the threats from Ukraine and its Western allies. Ahmad Bakhshayesh Ardestani justified the arms sales to Russia by saying his country has to subsequently "barter" for its needs, including soybeans and wheat. "Part of the barter involves sending missiles, and another part involves sending military drones to Russia," he said.
When asked whether sending ballistic missiles to Russia might lead to further sanctions or trigger the so-called "snapback" mechanism against Iran, the member of the Parliament's National Security and Foreign Policy Committee replied, "It can't get any worse than it already is. We give missiles to [our proxies] Hezbollah, Hamas, and Hashd al-Shaabi, so why not to Russia?"
Amir Reza Hamedi, a young conscripted soldier, had been enlisted into Iran’s compulsory military service, and was killed at the hands of law enforcement officers in Shaft, Gilan.
Sources told Iran International that Hamedi, who had previously been detained for his participation in the recent nationwide protests, was deeply troubled by conflicts with his superiors and had expressed to his family that he did not wish to continue his mandatory service.
Despite his pleas, his father took him back to his post, where, just hours later, the family received a call saying Hamedi had "committed suicide." However, sources confirmed that the young man’s death was the result of beatings, with visible injuries on his body.
In the other case, Maziar Moaddab, 35, was beaten to death after being tortured in a police detention center in Rasht. He was accused of theft, but instead of facing a fair investigation, was reportedly beaten with batons until he succumbed to his injuries.
His family, unaware of his arrest or the charges against him, was later informed that he died while being transported to the hospital. Fearing the worst, the family has since hired a lawyer, suspecting their son’s death was caused by torture at the hands of the police.
These latest deaths are not isolated incidents, echoing a pattern of abuse in the Islamic Republic’s military barracks and detention centers, where torture, beatings, and suspicious "suicides" have claimed countless lives. For decades, the system has been accused of covering up deaths resulting from violence in custody, using intimidation tactics to silence the families of victims.
Hamedi’s death, in particular, shines a light on the realities of compulsory military service in Iran, where soldiers often find themselves at the mercy of corrupt and abusive superiors. Many young men are subjected to punishments, prolonged detentions, and physical violence, especially if they are suspected of harboring dissenting views.
Last week, Mohammad Mir-Mousavi also succumbed to injuries from severe torture while in custody again in Gilan province.
The Islamic Republic refuses to join the United Nations Convention against Torture. However, despite Article 38 of Iran’s own constitution banning the use of torture, the reality on the ground reveals a government that systematically violates its citizens' most basic rights. Families of victims are often left to seek justice in a system that offers none, their voices silenced by threats from security forces.
Amnesty International reported that between January 2010 and September 2021, at least 72 people died in Iranian prisons and detention centers due to torture or other forms of physical abuse inflicted by intelligence and security agents or prison officials. Iranian authorities have repeatedly denied responsibility for the deaths.
Human Rights Watch has also reported on the common use of torture in Iran. In April, they reported "Iranian security forces’ use of torture and sexual assault against men, women, and children, as well as suspicious deaths in detention". They said that the "authorities did not provide medical treatment or even basic hygiene supplies to those assaulted by security forces, exacerbating their long-term injuries, and have not investigated these cases or held anyone accountable for these serious violations."
Speaking at a ceremony on Sunday to introduce new Oil Minister Mohsen Paknejad, Aref referenced the cyberattacks carried out by the hacking group Predatory Sparrow in 2023, which crippled Iran’s fuel supply system.
Aref’s comments highlighted the government's ongoing failure to secure key infrastructure. "It is said once bitten twice shy, but two identical attacks happened within a year," Aref said, directly criticizing the lack of security improvements. He urged Paknejad to prioritize cybersecurity across the oil industry, a sector that continues to face threats under the system's mismanagement.
The remarks come as gas stations in multiple Iranian cities are facing major shortages. Citizens report being stranded as fuel is only available with government-issued ration cards, with no access to gas at market prices, which are double the subsidized rate.
The December 18, 2023, attack affected around 70% of Iran’s gas stations. With the fuel distribution system offline, subsidized gasoline purchases were blocked, and fuel was only available at market rates in certain areas.
Following the attack, Gholamreza Jalali, head of the Passive Defense Organization, admitted that a "vulnerability in the payment and receiving network" allowed hackers to breach the system. The Passive Defense Organization later confirmed that malware had caused widespread disruption, warning the Oil Ministry in 2020 about insecure connections in the fuel system—warnings that were ignored.
However, Aref did not specify the exact timing of the second attack within the year, as the only one publicly reported occurred on December 18.
This was not the first time Iran’s fuel network was targeted. In November 2021, just before the second anniversary of the Islamic Republic’s crackdown on the November 2019 protests, hackers once again paralyzed the country’s fuel stations, leaving many without access to fuel for weeks. At the time, 4,300 stations were disrupted, and hackers managed to hijack billboards in Isfahan with slogans like “Khamenei! Where’s our gasoline?” mocking the government's inability to provide basic services.
Despite claims from officials that the Islamic Republic’s national internet, or "intranet," would bolster cybersecurity, the country’s critical systems remain vulnerable. Hadi Beigi-Nejad, a member of the parliament, stated in December that "the enemy" had infiltrated Iran’s infrastructure, signaling internal vulnerabilities.
The Passive Defense Organization reported in December that it had identified and thwarted 10 major attacks on national infrastructure in 2022. However, the organization warned that Iran’s fuel system remains at risk, confirming the ongoing inadequacies in the ach to cybersecurity.
After her arrest, Deldar was sentenced to more than one year in Rasht’s Lakan Prison, among thousands arrested in a mass roundup of opponents to the government. She was released on parole after serving more than six months, but her health was already deteriorating.
In her final Instagram post in July, Deldar described her severe ill health after her release citing infections, anemia, and the enlargement of her spleen, kidneys, and ovaries. The ailments were likely exacerbated by the bad treatment and conditions of her imprisonment where prisoners are often denied access to adequate healthcare.
Deldar also revealed that other prisoners released from Lakan Prison were suffering from similar illnesses.
Sara Deldar’s death is not an isolated incident. For over four decades, Iran’s prisons have become a graveyard for political prisoners and those who dare to defy the regime.
Among the many others suffering a similar fate is Mosayeb Yeganeh, who was returned to Tehran’s notorious Evin Prison from a hospital before his treatment was complete, and ultimately died due to his lack of medical care. Another Kurdish prisoner, Hasan Omarpour, was so desperate that he self-immolated at the same prison.
Many others have committed suicide either in detention or shortly after their release, often as a result of the brutal physical and psychological abuse they endure behind bars. In the last few months alone, several political prisoners have taken their own lives, unable to cope with the trauma inflicted by the state’s torturers.
Suspicious deaths have been reported in prisons across the country, including Lakan Prison, where Deldar was held, the Central Prison of Tabriz in East Azarbaijan Province, and Ilam Prison in Ilam Province.
The 2022 Woman, Life, Freedom protests, sparked by the killing of Mahsa Amini in the custody of the morality police, led to the deaths of over 500 protesters in the hands of Iran's security forces. Many more protesters died suspiciously in detention or shortly after their release, adding to an already mounting death toll.