IRGC Official Voices Concern Over Low Voter Turnout

In a televised roundtable on Saturday, June 15, Zakani said, "In 2015, I expressed my concerns about the JCPOA to the Supreme Leader. The Leader emphasized that officials should fulfill their duties regarding the JCPOA, which led me to draft an urgent parliamentary bill to clarify the dimensions of the agreement."

Zakani, who is a staunch hardliner, was speaking about relentless attacks by conservative loyalists of Ali Khamenei that started almost immediately after the JCPOA was signed and continued throughout the presidency of Hassan Rouhani until 2021.

Zakani, who has been sanctioned by Western countries for his role in suppressing protests in Iran, added, "After reading the JCPOA, I said I wouldn't sign such a contract with my own brother."

Under the pressure of UN Security Council sanctions, the Islamic Republic began secret talks with American officials sometime in 2013. These initial discussions eventually evolved into official multilateral nuclear negotiations, culminating in the signing of the JCPOA.

When the talks began, Khamenei famously referred to his decision as demonstrating “heroic flexibility,” indicating a willingness to reach an agreement with the West. It was clear at the time that he had authorized the negotiations, although his demeanor suggested reluctant approval.

Hardliners almost immediately began attacking the agreement, and it was clear to those in Iran that without Khamenei’s permission no one would dare to question such a strategic decision. Despite Khamenei’s own public blessing for the agreement, hardliners blamed Rouhani and his foreign minister Mohammad Javad Zarif for being pro-West and compromising Iran’s interests.

Zakani insisted that Khamenei did not endorse the JCPOA. "Some decided on behalf of the regime and claimed it was the regime's decision, but that was not the truth," he declared. In the political jargon of the Islamic Republic the word “regime” often means Ali Khamenei.

However, on Saturday, Fayyaz Zahed, candidate Masoud Pezeshkian's representative, said during a debate on the radio, "The JCPOA was the decision of the regime, not the Hassan Rouhani administration." But hardliners would not have any of that. Amirhossein Thabati, Saeed Jalili's representative, declared during the radio debate that "This agreement is a burden that Rouhani and Zarif imposed on the country, and now even a thousand wise men cannot lift it."

Adding to the public outrage is the fact that Sweden left behind Ahmadreza Jalali, an Iranian-Swedish scientist sentenced to death in Iran after a sham trial lacking due process. In exchange for Nouri, Iran released two other de facto hostages.

Immediately after the news broke on Saturday, Iranians in Sweden converged outside the foreign ministry in Stockholm to voice their indignation, including Djalali's wife Vida Mehrannia. The gathering underscored a broader international reaction that casts a shadow over Sweden's prisoner exchange with Iran.

Prominent Iranian opposition figure Prince Reza Pahlavi criticized the Swedish Prime Minister's decision to release Hamid Nouri, calling it "an affront to the rule of law, human rights, and basic decency." He condemned the move as "feckless appeasement" of Iran's criminal regime, arguing that it failed to save all hostages and would only encourage more hostage-taking and blackmail.

Alireza Akhondi, a Swedish politician from the Center Party, criticized the Swedish Prime Minister's government as "irresponsible" for "abandoning Ahmadreza Djalali." Akhondi described the release of Nouri as an "insult to Sweden's judicial system" and a "cruel blow" to Djalali's family. He suggested that the timing of the prisoner swap was deliberately delayed until after the European Parliament elections to avoid losing votes.

Hamed Esmaeilion, a prominent Canadian Iranian activist and representative of the Association of Families of Flight PS752 Victims, condemned the exchange as a "shameful stain" on Sweden, labeling it as complicity with a regime known for its hostage-taking tactics. "Today justice has been trampled upon," Esmaeilion expressed on social media, highlighting the emotional toll on families affected by Nouri's past atrocities.

In 2022, a Swedish court sentenced Nouri to life imprisonment following his conviction of war crimes for his role in the mass execution of political prisoners in Iran in 1988. Nouri served as the deputy prosecutor of Gohardasht prison in Karaj city near Tehran in 1988, according to the Swedish court. He was arrested at Stockholm airport in 2019 during his visit to Sweden, under the principle of universal jurisdiction.

Iranian Nobel laureate Shirin Ebadi echoed similar sentiments, criticizing the move as detrimental to the cause of justice.

Journalist and rights activist Masih Alinejad further emphasized that the extradition represents a betrayal of human rights.

“It is a profound betrayal of human rights and a grievous affront to the efforts of justice-seeking families from the 1980s who strive to hold these criminals accountable. This action disregards Sweden’s independent judiciary, which rightfully sentenced this criminal to life imprisonment, and emboldens and strengthens a bloodthirsty regime,” she wrote.

Athena Daemi, another human rights activist, remarked on the predictability of Nouri's release, criticizing European nations for facilitating such exchanges at the expense of standing firm against the Islamic Republic's abuses. 

As Nouri returned to Iran in exchange for two Swedish citizens, EU Foreign Policy Chief Josep Borrell expressed relief over the Swedes' release while thanking Oman for its mediation.

Yet, the broader implications of this swap continue to stir controversy and debate about the ethics of negotiating with regimes accused of severe human rights violations.

Critics argue that such swaps might undermine international legal standards by effectively rewarding countries that detain foreigners on dubious grounds. The return of Nouri, in particular, raises ethical questions about the implications of negotiating with governments accused of severe human rights violations.

The United States last year released around $6 billion in Iran's frozen funds to secure the release of five dual nationals arrested on trumped-up charges and held in Iran. That arrangement raised strong public criticism about rewarding hostage taking.

Missiles fired by Yemen's Houthi militants struck the Verbena in the Gulf of Aden on Thursday, sparking a fire and severely injuring one of its crew, U.S. Central Command said.

The Iran-allied Houthis have launched dozens of attacks on international shipping in the Red Sea region since November for what they say is solidarity with Palestinians in the war between Israel and Hamas.

The attacks began after Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei urged Muslim nations to blockade Israel's trade routes. The United States and Britain have launched air strikes against Houthi military targets since January, but the militant group receiving arms and support from Iran has continued its campaign.

The Houthi campaign in the Red Sea region has disrupted global shipping, cascading delays and costs through supply chains. The militants have sunk one ship, seized another vessel and killed three seafarers in separate attacks.

"Elections are very important, strive to increase participation, and choose wisely based on who has the capability to work according to the criteria of the revolution," Khamenei stated during a Saturday meeting with a group of so-called young elites.

Despite Khamenei's push for greater electoral engagement, the pervasive atmosphere is one of disillusionment. The Guardian Council, appointed by Khamenei, has extensively disqualified numerous candidates, leaving a narrow field overwhelmingly composed of his staunch supporters. Out of six candidates running, five are ardent followers of Khamenei, while the sole candidate with moderate leanings has also demonstrated loyalty to him on national television.

Voter participation in tightly controlled elections has gradually fallen since 2020, when Khamenei's hardline supporters began disqualifying hundreds of other regime loyalists from parliamentary and presidential elections.

The restrictions, coupled with economic struggles and crackdowns on protestors, have deepened public skepticism about the elections. Many Iranians view the process as heavily orchestrated, offering little in terms of political choice or the prospect of meaningful change. The political landscape within the Islamic Republic remains controlled, and with such a list of candidates, few voters see the upcoming elections as a true opportunity to influence the country’s direction.

Ahmadinejad, who defied the West during his presidency (2005-2013) now argues for a foreign policy perspective that aims to surpass the binary division between East and West, in contrast to Khamenei's notable "Looking East" strategy.

"What exactly does the policy of East versus West entail? It appears to be a construct of our imagination," he said in a recent interview. "The most significant economic relationship exists between China and the US."

"What impediment exists for US investment in Iran's oil industry?" Ahmadinejad asked while stating that he would even negotiate with ex-US president Donald Trump.

During the interview, the contentious politician pondered, "For how much longer do we desire to remain in conflict with the US?" He lamented, "Following the revolution, there was potential to resolve matters with the US, but certain individuals occupied the embassy, complicating matters."

The Iran hostage crisis, spanning from 1979 to 1981, involved militants seizing 66 American citizens at the US embassy in Tehran, keeping 52 of them hostage for 444 days. Occurring amidst the tumultuous aftermath of Iran's Islamic revolution and the fall of the Pahlavi monarchy, the crisis profoundly soured US-Iranian relations for years to come.

The interview with Khabarfoori, a website in Iran, was released on Tuesday following Ahmadinejad's disqualification by the unelected 12-member Guardian Council for the forthcoming snap presidential election. However, according to Khabarfoori, the interview was recorded when the former president was still unaware of the Guardian’s decision.

Ahmadinejad was also barred from running in the 2017 and 2021 presidential elections by the Guardian Council controlled mainly by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. After his first disqualification, the former foreign policy hardliner, began criticizing the political machine set up by Ali Khamenei, at one point even attacking the Supreme Leader himself.

In a different segment of the interview, Ahmadinejad paid tribute to the era of the Pahlavi monarchy. “They [The Pahlavi monarchy] contributed to the country even before the [Islamic] revolution took place,” he said. “While we may have reservations about certain methods they employed, they also aimed to address inflation and improve welfare during that period.”

Ahmadinejad's remarks are contextualized by the fact that the last Shah of Iran, deposed during the 1979 revolution, is consistently depicted in a negative light by the current ruling clerical establishment.

Walking a delicate line over the past two years, he mostly remained silent to avoid backlash from loyalists allied with the Supreme Leader.

Known for his outspokenness on regime corruption and clandestine activities, Ahmadinejad notably admitted that Israel's Mossad had successfully pilfered significant documents concerning Iran's nuclear pursuits from within the nation.

Furthermore, in 2021, he alleged that the highest-ranking Iranian intelligence official tasked with thwarting Israeli espionage within Iran was actually an operative for Israel.