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Iran parliament advances Hormuz bill targeting US, Israeli transit

Aug 10, 2026, 22:44 GMT+1
File photo shows IRGC officers during a naval drill in southern Iran
File photo shows IRGC officers during a naval drill in southern Iran

Iranian lawmakers are advancing a sweeping bill aimed at asserting greater control over the Strait of Hormuz, including restrictions on US and Israeli assets in a waterway through which about one-fifth of global oil and LNG supplies passed before the war.

The latest move came Monday, when parliament’s Internal Affairs and Councils Committee approved a provision banning the transit of assets and equipment owned by the United States, Israel and other countries Tehran “hostile,” committee spokesperson Valiollah Bayati said, according to parliament’s official news agency ICANA.

The restriction was among the first five articles approved as lawmakers began a detailed review of the proposed “Strategic Action to Ensure the Sustainable Security of the Strait of Hormuz and the Persian Gulf.”

Representatives from Iran’s Foreign Ministry, armed forces and parliament’s Research Center attended the meeting.

Bayati said the measure was adopted because the countries concerned had used the strait to carry out what he described as hostile actions and attacks against Iran. The remaining articles will be considered at future meetings.

Other provisions under consideration include tighter rules for vessels linked to countries Tehran regards as hostile and charges for maritime services provided to ships using the strait, lawmaker Sodeif Badri said Sunday.

Revenue would be directed toward security, monitoring and development infrastructure.

Badri said parliament was seeking a long-term legal framework for Iran’s management of Hormuz rather than relying on temporary policies, adding that the strait would not return to its pre-war conditions.

The legislation has not yet become law, and the provisions being considered by committees would still require parliamentary approval.

Parliament’s National Security and Foreign Policy Committee, which is leading the review, approved the bill’s general outlines Sunday without opposition among members present, spokesperson Hassan Ghashghavi said.

The Construction Committee has also backed the outlines, while the Internal Affairs and Councils Committee is reviewing parts of the legislation.

The parliamentary effort has gathered momentum since the war, with lawmakers increasingly presenting control of the strait as a strategic lever in Iran’s confrontation with the United States.

The legislation was formally submitted to parliament on July 13. A day later, Ebrahim Azizi, chairman of the National Security and Foreign Policy Committee, said lawmakers were standing firmly by their “red lines,” particularly over management of Hormuz.

“This is the first step,” Azizi wrote on social media, adding that further measures would “take sleep from the eyes of our enemies.”

By late July, 12 proposals had been referred to Azizi’s committee for consolidation into a single bill, according to parliament’s presiding-board spokesperson Abbas Goudarzi. Nine dealt directly with Hormuz and three proposed changes to Iran’s maritime zones law.

The proposals cover restrictions on navigation, penalties for violations and potential revenues from Iran’s management of the strait, suggesting lawmakers are seeking to turn wartime control of Hormuz into a more permanent legal framework.

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Protest crackdown veteran Taeb returns to lead Basij, expand intel network

Aug 10, 2026, 20:01 GMT+1
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File photo shows Hossein Taeb (right) and Mojtaba Khamenei (left)

Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei appointed veteran intelligence official Hossein Taeb to lead the Basij, giving the former protest crackdown figure a mandate to expand the paramilitary force’s grassroots intelligence network and use of new technologies.

In his decree, Khamenei instructed Taeb to “strengthen the popular intelligence network,” improve training and skills and make greater use of new technologies for what he described as a “people-based” response to enemy threats.

The directive places intelligence gathering prominently among Taeb’s responsibilities at the Basij, whose branches extend through neighborhoods, universities, workplaces and other parts of Iranian society.

With Taeb’s appointment, Khamenei is returning a figure closely associated with the suppression of dissent and protests to a leading role in one of the Islamic Republic’s main domestic security and mobilization organizations.

Taeb previously commanded the Basij during the unrest surrounding the disputed 2009 presidential election, when the force played a major role in suppressing demonstrations.

Taeb’s career has been centered on Iran’s security and intelligence establishment for more than four decades.

Born in Tehran in 1963, the cleric joined the Revolutionary Guards in 1982 and served in IRGC units in Tehran, Qom and Khorasan before moving into the Intelligence Ministry, where he rose to a senior management position.

He also served in counterintelligence at the ministry and later headed the IRGC’s own intelligence protection apparatus.

Return to Basij

His Monday appointment brings him back to an organization he previously led.

Taeb, a longtime ally of Mojtaba Khamenei, was appointed commander of the Basij Resistance Force in 2008, before becoming head of the newly established IRGC Intelligence Organization in October 2009, shortly after the mass protests that followed that year’s presidential election.

He went on to lead IRGC Intelligence for more than a decade, making him one of the most influential figures in the Islamic Republic’s internal security apparatus. The organization grew during his tenure into a powerful intelligence body operating alongside the Intelligence Ministry and became heavily involved in cases concerning political activists, journalists, dual nationals and alleged espionage.

Khamenei’s decree also ordered Taeb to broaden the Basij’s reach under the slogan “Every Iranian, a Basiji,” expand neighborhood and sector-based units, deepen cooperation with state institutions and develop social-service networks centered on mosques. He was also tasked with promoting the Basij model of “popular resistance” abroad.

Taeb replaces Gholamreza Soleimani, who was killed in the US-Israeli war earlier this year.

The strange power of Iran’s absent supreme leader

Aug 10, 2026, 00:35 GMT+1
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Ata Mohamed Tabriz
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A large banner depicting Iran's supreme leader Mojtaba Khamenei and his slain father and predecessor Ali Khamenei is displayed at an event marking religious processions of Arbaeen, in Iran, Iran August 3, 2026

Mojtaba Khamenei’s continued absence from public view has created an unusual system of authority in Tehran, where decisions are made and justified through written messages attributed to him while responsibility appears dispersed across a core establishment network.

With no public appearance or clear final word from Khamenei, competing figures can interpret his intentions differently, and those with the greatest institutional and military power are best placed to turn their interpretation into policy.

Khamenei has been absent from major political and personal events since becoming supreme leader, including the funeral of his wife and the extensive ceremonies marking his father’s death.

His disappearance has produced contradictory accounts about his condition, ranging from claims that he is in good health to reports of injuries or even the loss of a limb.

Officials and media close to the establishment have meanwhile cited extraordinary security precautions to explain why neither his image nor his voice has been released.

‘In principle’

Whatever the security rationale, Iranians have little means of assessing the new leader’s condition, capabilities or views for themselves. Instead, they encounter him largely through written statements and officials explaining what he means.

The clearest example came in a message attributed to Khamenei concerning negotiations and the memorandum of understanding with the United States.

He allowed President Masoud Pezeshkian to take responsibility for negotiations and effectively permitted the agreement to be signed, while saying that “in principle” he had held a different view.

Those two words immediately became a matter of political interpretation.

The IRGC’s political deputy rejected suggestions that they meant Khamenei fundamentally opposed negotiations. “This interpretation is incorrect and does not correspond with the existing realities,” he said.

But a military adviser to Khamenei offered a different reading: “When the Leader says, ‘in principle, I held a different view,’ it means the path that Agha had in mind was better than the path taken by the Supreme National Security Council.”

The same message could therefore be presented as permission for diplomacy or evidence of reservations about it, with figures claiming proximity to Khamenei effectively speaking on his behalf.

Speaking for the leader

The same process is helping construct Khamenei’s image as a wartime leader.

Ebrahim Jabbari, an adviser to the IRGC commander, has spoken of Khamenei’s “command and mastery” of military affairs and his management of expert meetings of the armed forces.

Supporters have also promoted the slogan “Khamenei has become young again,” presenting the succession as a renewal of leadership during war.

Such accounts give the military and security establishment an important role not merely in implementing the supreme leader’s decisions but in explaining his character, capabilities and intentions to the public.

Foreign leaders have inadvertently reinforced his position. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has publicly said Khamenei is alive, while US President Donald Trump has described him as “definitely and 100 percent” involved in negotiations between Tehran and Washington and even raised the possibility of meeting him.

Khamenei is thus presented by his subordinates as directing military affairs and confronting Iran’s enemies, while those same enemies publicly treat him as the ultimate decision-maker — even as he remains absent from public view.

Who decides?

That absence becomes more consequential as Iran confronts the choice between continued confrontation and diplomacy.

Khamenei has apparently authorized negotiations and the signing of an agreement, but messages attributed to him have also promised vengeance. Officials advocating different courses can therefore claim to be acting in accordance with the same leader.

Iran’s military and security institutions possess both the organizational power to act during wartime and an extensive presence in the state’s decision-making and media structures.

When Khamenei’s wishes are unclear, those institutions are better positioned than advocates of compromise to determine how they are translated into policy.

Majid Mousavi, commander of the IRGC Aerospace Force, has called on others to follow the supreme leader’s wishes as his forces carry much of the burden of the current war. Yet precisely what those wishes are remains unclear.

Policy instead emerges through written messages, competing interpretations and repeated invocations of the leader’s authority. Successes can be attributed to his leadership, while responsibility for costly decisions and their consequences is spread across a wider network.

The less Iranians see or hear from Mojtaba Khamenei, the more they must rely on others to tell them what he thinks. As the country weighs war against diplomacy, the question is increasingly not simply what Iran’s supreme leader wants, but who gets to decide what his wishes mean.

Rezaei named Iran’s top security chief and Khamenei representative

Aug 9, 2026, 19:38 GMT+1
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Mohsen Rezaei

Mohsen Rezaei was appointed as Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei’s representative on Iran’s Supreme National Security Council on Sunday, before being named secretary of the powerful security body.

“In view of your valuable experience, I hereby appoint you ... as my representative on the Supreme National Security Council,” Khamenei said in a decree, describing Rezaei as a veteran of the 1980–1988 Iran-Iraq War.

Rezaei commanded the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps from 1981 to 1997, including through much of the war. He also serves as a senior military adviser to Khamenei and is a member of the Expediency Council.

Khamenei’s decree also thanked Mohammad Bagher Zolghadr, who had been SNSC secretary and one of the Supreme Leader’s representatives on the council, for his “tireless efforts day and night.” The decree did not say he was stepping down as SNSC secretary.

Shortly after the announcement, IRGC-affiliated Tasnim News reported, citing the president’s office, that President Masoud Pezeshkian had appointed Rezaei as SNSC secretary.

“Following Mohammad Bagher Zolghadr’s resignation as secretary of the Supreme National Security Council and his acceptance of a new responsibility, Mohsen Rezaei has been appointed secretary of the Supreme National Security Council by decree of President Masoud Pezeshkian,” said Tabatabaei, deputy for communications and information at the president’s office.

The SNSC is Iran’s top national security body, coordinating security and foreign policy and bringing together senior political, military and intelligence officials. The president chairs the council, while the Supreme Leader appoints two representatives to it.

Zolghadr, a former senior IRGC commander, took over as SNSC secretary in March, a week after Ali Larijani was killed in US-Israeli strikes. Larijani had returned to the post in August 2025 after previously serving as secretary from 2005 to 2007 and as parliament speaker from 2008 to 2020.

Zolghadr’s resignation

The appointments followed days of reports about Zolghadr’s position.

Earlier on Sunday, Tasnim removed a report announcing Rezaei’s appointment as Khamenei’s representative on the council. The outlet did not explain the deletion. The report had said Rezaei and Saeed Jalili would serve as the Supreme Leader’s two representatives on the SNSC.

Reformist newspaper Sazandegi reported on Friday that Zolghadr had offered his resignation but Pezeshkian had asked him to remain.

A day later, Pezeshkian did not deny that Zolghadr had offered to resign, saying there were “some differences that we are trying to resolve.”

Senior cleric and Khamenei relative Mohammad Bagher Kharrazi had also said on Monday that Rezaei was set to replace Zolghadr.

Iran says US must meet its demands before Hormuz reopens

Aug 8, 2026, 22:08 GMT+1
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Commercial vessels are seen in waters near the Strait of Hormuz amid ongoing negotiations over shipping arrangements and the reopening of the waterway.

Iran says the Strait of Hormuz will not reopen until the United States meets its conditions, even as Tehran and Oman move closer to an agreement on a temporary shipping route.

Mohammad-Bagher Zolghadr, secretary of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council, said Saturday that the waterway would remain closed until Washington “corrects its behavior,” spelling out the conditions in a written message.

“Correcting its behavior means that Iran must never again be threatened or humiliated, aggression against Iran and its allies must end permanently, the naval blockade must be lifted, US naval and air forces must withdraw from around Iran, war damages must be compensated, sanctions must be lifted and Iran’s frozen assets must be released,” Zolghadr said.

“The Supreme National Security Council will never back down, whether in war or in negotiations,” he added.

The demands came even as Iran and Oman moved closer to an agreement on a temporary shipping route through the strait.

Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said Saturday that the two countries were “very close” to completing negotiations on the route, which is intended as an interim arrangement while technical and legal work continues on a new permanent Traffic Separation Scheme, or TSS.

Araghchi said an agreement with Oman on the route “does not necessarily mean the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz.”

He said reopening remained subject to separate conditions, including the United States compensating for what Tehran considers violations of the Islamabad memorandum of understanding.

The IRGC reinforced that distinction earlier Saturday, saying the Iran-Oman negotiations and a decision to reopen the strait were separate issues.

“Whenever America accepts Iran’s conditions, the Strait of Hormuz will certainly reopen,” IRGC spokesperson Hossein Mohebi said.

Oman, which has been negotiating the shipping arrangements with Tehran, described the talks as proceeding in a “positive and constructive” atmosphere. Its Foreign Ministry also condemned repeated attacks on vessels transiting the strait and urged all sides to avoid actions that could undermine progress in the negotiations.

From Washington, Vice President JD Vance said Iran had told the United States it had no plans to impose tolls in the Strait of Hormuz and that Tehran and Persian Gulf states, particularly Oman, were discussing arrangements for safe passage.

Vance said those discussions included demining and a commitment from Iran not to fire on commercial vessels. Washington expected oil and gas flows from the Persian Gulf to return to pre-conflict levels, he said, but would judge Tehran by its actions.

“We don’t trust, we verify,” Vance said in an interview aired by Fox News Saturday.

US officials have also linked relief from Washington’s pressure campaign to the restoration of shipping. The Wall Street Journal reported Friday that Washington had told mediators it would not accept Iranian restrictions or tolls and that the Trump administration would lift its blockade on Iranian ports if Tehran reopened the waterway without impediments.

President Masoud Pezeshkian, meanwhile, called the United States “untrustworthy” but said Saturday that now was the “best time” to reach an agreement. He said Tehran was discussing diplomacy almost daily in an effort to move Iran out of a state of “neither war nor peace.”

“You cannot fight forever; at some point, it has to be brought to an end,” Pezeshkian said.

The negotiations with Oman may therefore settle how vessels would move through the Strait of Hormuz, but Iranian officials say the decision to reopen it remains contingent on Washington meeting broader demands set by Tehran.

Cleric summoned after calling to replace Islamic Republic with ‘Islamic government’

Aug 8, 2026, 09:14 GMT+1
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Iranian cleric Mohammad-Bagher Kharrazi was summoned to the Special Clerical Court after calling for the Islamic Republic to be replaced by a more hardline “Islamic government” and outlining plans to mobilize a 250,000-strong network capable of surrounding government sites.

Judiciary spokesperson Asghar Jahangir said on Saturday that legal proceedings began immediately after Kharrazi's recent remarks and that he had now been summoned to the court, which handles cases involving members of the clergy.

“Immediately after his recent remarks, legal action was initiated to prosecute him,” Jahangir said, adding that Kharrazi's case was under criminal investigation and further details would be released after the proceedings.

‘Islamic Republic doesn't work anymore’

In a video released this week, Kharrazi said the Islamic Republic had “reached a stage where, in this form, it simply doesn't work anymore” and said his organization had already drawn up plans for replacing it with an “Islamic government.”

Kharrazi, who heads the Hezbollah of Iran organization, said his group had produced 60 volumes of plans covering state institutions and had maintained what he described as a “shadow government.”

He also outlined a recruitment drive intended to build a nationwide network of 250,000 supporters, saying it could “surround all the ministries” and converge on Tehran following a single announcement.

  • A Khamenei in-law is openly recruiting to replace the Islamic Republic

    A Khamenei in-law is openly recruiting to replace the Islamic Republic

“Mr. Khamenei and the government must understand that a 250,000-strong organization stands ready to move,” he said.

Kharrazi also attacked President Masoud Pezeshkian, calling him a “buffoon” who “understands nothing,” and said his government “will not reach its end.”

Claims about Khamenei

Kharrazi is tied by marriage to Iran's ruling family: his sister is married to Masoud Khamenei, a brother of Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei.

He has also presented himself as a longtime confidant of the new supreme leader, saying he has known him for four decades and held numerous private meetings with him. In his latest remarks, Kharrazi said Mojtaba Khamenei's thinking was “far more radical than his father's.” His accounts of private conversations and the supreme leader's views cannot be independently verified.

The leader's office had already publicly rejected earlier remarks Kharrazi attributed to Mojtaba Khamenei, including that Pezeshkian's next resignation would be accepted, describing them as unauthenticated and false.