A nine-year-old student died suddenly during a school break in the western Iranian city of Ilam on Saturday, local media reported, amid a spate of student deaths and allegations of mistreatment in schools across the country.
The student, identified as Parnia Rezaei, collapsed during recess at Naderi Elementary School, according to the news outlet Didban Iran. The cause of death has not yet been determined.
Abbas Omidi, the head of Ilam’s education department, said the death occurred suddenly and that school staff immediately called emergency services.
“The student was transferred to hospital for urgent medical care, but resuscitation efforts were unsuccessful,” Omidi told reporters.
Authorities in Ilam said an investigation into Rezaei’s death is underway.
Rezaei’s death follows several recent incidents involving students’ deaths and alleged abuse in schools since the start of the new academic year in late September.
Earlier in October, 12-year-old Sam Zarei in Shiraz took his own life after psychological pressure from school officials, according to reports on Iranian media.
Also in October, Zahra Golmakani, a 10-year-old student in Mashhad, died of what authorities described as cardiac arrest during class.
Similar reports have emerged from the provinces of Mazandaran, Qazvin, and Zanjan, where students have died or been injured following disciplinary actions.
Despite an education ministry directive explicitly banning corporal punishment and verbal abuse, rights advocates and teachers’ unions say such incidents remain frequent, reflecting systemic failures in oversight and student protection.
Iran’s top social affairs official on Sunday warned of a rise in suicide among children under 12, calling it a troubling shift that was once “very rare.”
Mohammad Bathaei, head of the National Organization for Social Affairs, told ILNA that schools and universities lack effective curricula to build resilience and coping skills, saying “education systems have not started preventive work in a meaningful way.”
Bathaei said emergency responses also remain inadequate despite efforts by the Social Emergency network and Health Ministry.
“Iran received assistance from Libya and North Korea in the field of missile technology, but not from the Russians,” Mohammad-Ali Jafari said in an online interview posted on YouTube on Saturday.
During the early post-revolutionary years, he added, Iran was permitted to reverse-engineer certain systems and exchange limited technical information with Tripoli and Pyongyang.
“The Russians offered no real help,” he said. “On the contrary, they are now the ones who need our missiles and drones.”
Iranian-designed drones have been key to Russia's war effort against Ukraine, even though Tehran denies providing Moscow with such weapons.
However, Moscow provided little, if any, support during Iran's brief summer war with Israel.
The two countries have signed a long-term security framework, but Russia’s restraint underscores the limits of its backing.
Earlier this month, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov said his country was "engaged in supplying the equipment that the Islamic Republic of Iran needs" even after UN sanctions were reimposed last month.
‘Russia now seeking Iranian technology’
Iran has "never relied on Russia for our [military] capabilities, they are the ones who need our missiles and drones," Jafari said in his online interview, adding that Moscow’s reliance on Iranian systems underscores how the balance of capability has shifted.
Jafari dismissed the notion that Moscow’s technology exceeds Tehran’s, arguing that Iran’s advancements in precision and guidance systems outpace those of Russia.
“It’s unlikely that the Russians possess the pinpoint accuracy our missiles have. In terms of precision and technology, we are different from them,” he said.
Iran’s strength lies in domestically developed systems, the former IRGC chief said, describing the country’s missile and drone capabilities as products of “decades of indigenous effort.”
“Foreign input had been useful in the early stages but our engineers quickly surpassed the models we studied.”
Iran, Jafari said, had been preparing for potential conflict with Israel since the 1990s, which guided the decision to focus on missile and drone forces over fighter jets.
“At that time, it was decided that the army’s air force would concentrate on aircraft and defense, while the IRGC would handle the aerospace, missile, and drone sectors.”
The decision, he noted, stemmed from both cost and survivability concerns, given the technological gap with Western powers.
Earlier this month, leaked Russian defense documents indicated Iran had signed a €6 billion deal to buy 48 Su-35 fighter jets from Moscow, with deliveries expected between 2026 and 2028.
Last month, an Iranian lawmaker said Russian MiG-29 fighter jets had arrived in Iran as part of a short-term plan to bolster its air force, with more advanced Sukhoi Su-35 aircraft to follow gradually.
Iran has long sought to modernize its aging air force, which relies heavily on US-made jets purchased before the 1979 revolution and a small number of Russian and locally upgraded aircraft.
Western analysts say Iran’s request for 50 aircraft remains only partly fulfilled, with deliveries slowed by Russia’s own needs in Ukraine.
Tehran also faces vulnerability in air defenses after Israeli strikes earlier this year destroyed its last Russian-provided S-300 systems. Iran had acquired the four S-300 battalions from Russia in 2016.
The accounts of Mandana Akbarzadeh, Azadeh Kebriya, Zeinab Berimani, and Fatereh Hamidi have been taken offline, displaying a message that reads: “This page has been blocked due to the production of criminal content."
The message displayed in the closed pages also says: "Warning: Users’ criminal activities are being monitored.”
The crackdown comes as part of a broader effort to limit the visibility of women vocalists, whose performances have been banned in public settings since the 1979 Islamic Revolution.
The Islamic Republic has banned women from singing or dancing in public and enforces the Islamic veil or hijab on women.
Despite the official ban, female singers in Iran continue to find ways to share their music—whether in private gatherings, underground performances, or online.
One such artist, Zara Esmaeili, gained widespread attention last year when a video of her singing Amy Winehouse’s Back to Black went viral. However, shortly after the video gained traction in July, Esmaeili was arrested on August 1.
The restrictions on female artists have escalated since the protests following Mahsa Amini’s death in custody in 2022 over hijab, as many female performers supported the demonstrations. Several have been arrested or barred from professional activities.
Artistic defiance has become a hallmark of Iran’s protest movements, with musicians such as Shervin Hajipour, Mehdi Yarrahi, Saman Yasin, and Toomaj Salehi facing arrest for their roles in mobilizing dissent.
The June conflict was capped off on June 22 with US strikes on major nuclear sites, marking the superpower's first direct assault on Iranian territory after decades of proxy conflicts.
Tehran's lack of any meaningful retaliation, Yaphe said, laid bare how exposed 86-year-old Supreme Leader Khamenei was and how a security apparatus he had built up for decades had failed to perform.
"It’s very hard to see how Iran regains legitimacy,” said Yaphe, who worked as a Middle East analyst for the State Department for 15 years.
“These are the people who crafted the narratives of the ‘resistance economy’ and other doctrines supporting Khamenei’s agenda,” he added. “That generation is retiring, dying off, or leaving leadership roles, with no coherent transition plan for what comes next.”
Iran’s central challenge, he said, is generational. The revolutionary cadre from the 1979 Revolution and the Iran-Iraq War built key institutions such as the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), the Basij domestic militia and economic conglomerates which dominate large sectors of the economy.
Memory of pre-1979 grievances such rural inequality under the Shah as well as torture and killings by his security agencies, Yaphe says, lingers strongly for the superannuated ruling cadres.
These authorities remain committed to anti-Western confrontation and nuclear advancement, viewing compromise as weakness, according to Yaphe.
“The government in Iran has chosen to die on a particular hill, and they’re going to die there slowly, in their sleep,” he said. “It’s going to be a very slow, mundane transition, the outcome is likely gradual change rather than abrupt upheaval.”
Even the most apparently reactionary institutions like the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps could theoretically play a role in a transition.
"In the event of a change in power, there’s no future for the Guards as they exist today,” he said. “Internally, the IRGC could pursue a coup or maintain clerical oversight to preserve influence—they’ll have to weigh costs and benefits.”
Across the region, Yaphe said Islamist movements are declining, citing sidelined groups like the Muslim Brotherhood and weakened Iranian proxies such as Hamas and Hezbollah.
‘Next move happens soon’
Donald Trump’s maximum pressure campaign and the 2020 US assassination of senior IRGC commander Qasem Soleimani were major turning points, Yaphe said.
“Actions under Trump advanced these trends. The Soleimani strike disproved fears of escalation, direct measures disrupted Iran’s comfort with covert operations dating back to its 1982 interventions in Lebanon," he said, referring to the IRGC's founding of its powerful Lebanese affiliate Hezbollah.
“Iran prefers operating in the shadows,” Yaphe added. “Israel and the US responded forcefully, degrading proxies - probably the most effective approach.”
He criticized Washington’s traditional Iran policy as overly partisan: negotiation-driven on the left, confrontational on the right, but often lacking depth.
The analyst contrasted this with Trump’s approach, which, he said, prioritized results over ideology.
“President Trump has specified acceptable terms,” Yaphe said. “Tehran, still trapped in 1979-era thinking, doesn’t grasp the shift toward pragmatic power dynamics. They don’t seem to understand that the West will act.”
“In the next three to five years, something significant will happen in Iran,” Yaphe said. “Either way, it won’t remain the Islamic Republic we know today.”
Alcohol accounted for about five percent of all poisoning fatalities in the first five months of the current Iranian year, identifying illicitly produced drinks as the main source, said the Organization. It recorded 4,232 deaths from various types of poisoning during the period and noted a slight decline in alcohol-related fatalities compared with last year, when they made up six percent of the total.
Alcohol intoxication, according to hospital data, accounted for ten percent of poisoning-related admissions last year, falling to 8.5 percent in the first half of this year. Deputy Health Minister Alireza Raeisi said on October 11 that the actual number of alcohol poisoning cases was likely “ten times higher than those reaching emergency units.”
Alcohol ban and black market trade
The sale and consumption of alcohol have been banned in Iran since the 1979 Islamic Revolution, with production, purchase, or use punishable by imprisonment, flogging, or fines. Repeat offenders can face the death penalty.
Despite strict penalties, demand for alcohol has persisted, driving a widespread underground market. Bootleg drinks, often made with toxic industrial methanol, continue to claim lives each year across the country.
Public health experts warn that the recurring poisonings underscore a growing social divide between state restrictions and personal behavior. Many Iranians view the persistence of black-market alcohol as evidence of resistance to religious regulation over private life.
The deaths caused by bootleg alcohol, the Legal Medicine Organization said, remain preventable through public education, early medical response, and stronger oversight of illegal production and distribution networks.
