Tehran moderates call on Pezeshkian to meet Trump in New York

“My teacher wanted me to take off my clothes,” said Farid, a survivor who spoke to the reformist Shargh newspaper under a pseudonym.

The paper’s reporter collected detailed, often graphic recollections from men who described being touched, groped or coerced into sexual acts in settings where they expected safety.

Amir-Ali, now 32, recalled a taxi ride in which a passenger repeatedly pressed his body close and then placed a hand on his thigh. He said he felt powerless, ashamed and unable to tell friends or family.

“I didn’t speak to anyone — I thought I’d be mocked,” he told the reporter.

Majid described being molested on a crowded metro: the man next to him repeatedly adjusted his hand until the touching became unmistakable. He said he moved away without protest because embarrassment and fear made him freeze. “It was so strange and scary,” Majid added. “I just wanted to get off at the next stop.”

Far more sustained abuse appears in other accounts. Javid recounted grooming and repeated sexual exploitation by a 25-year-old assistant coach at a youth football class. He says the coach showed explicit videos, demanded sexual acts and pressured boys to comply, leaving Javid depressed and withdrawn for years.

Some victims described telling only a single friend or, in a few cases, later raising the matter in therapy — and even then withholding details.

Another survivor, Sepehr, said a close relative forced him into sexual acts from the age of ten and that he has only ever disclosed the abuse in psychotherapy. He feared family fallout and shame: “I was scared that people in the family would find out,” he told Shargh.

Shame, silence and long-term harm

The dominant theme is shame, according to psychologist Parisa Pouyan, who works on social-harm issues.

“They often feel their masculinity and sexual identity are questioned; for many, the violation is deeply humiliating,” she added. Pouyan warned that the silence compounds harm: survivors commonly suffer depression, social withdrawal and difficulties forming intimate relationships long after the assaults.

Legal advocates say institutional barriers deepen invisibility. Although Iran’s statutes do not formally distinguish male and female victims, “in practice, the numbers and the follow-through are very different,” Monica Nadi, a lawyer experienced in social-harm cases, told the paper.

She pointed to stigma, a lack of male-oriented support services and the legal difficulties of proving sexual crimes — lost physical evidence, absent witnesses and delayed reporting — as reasons why men rarely pursue judicial remedies.

Settings and system failures

Shargh’s investigation found incidents in boys’ schools, sports clubs, family homes, barracks, prisons, taxis and metro cars.

Several interviewees said suspected perpetrators were later moved between institutions rather than removed from positions of authority after being exposed for their harassment, risking further abuse.

The paper’s reporting calls for targeted steps: breaking cultural taboos, expanding counselling and support services for male survivors, training educators and staff, and improving mechanisms for reporting and evidence collection.

Survivors and experts warned that without systemic reform, many victims will continue to carry trauma in silence and cycles of abuse may persist.

Under Shi'ite law, a man can have four permanent wives simultaneously and any number of temporary wives. He needs his first wife’s consent for additional permanent marriages, but not for temporary ones.

Women, by contrast, can only enter one temporary marriage at a time and, after termination, must wait at least 45 days before remarrying to establish paternity if pregnant.

“I don’t know a single woman around me who would agree to a temporary marriage, unless she is involved with a married man and wants to protect herself from being charged with adultery if discovered,” said Taraneh, an art teacher in Tehran.

“In these cases, it’s more a formality than religiosity. Just like an affair, they hide it from everyone, even their family and friends.”

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Taraneh explained that stigma is deeply rooted. The longstanding association between temporary marriage and prostitution, she said, reinforces secrecy and social judgment, especially against women.

“But in some poorer rural areas I’ve visited, it is somehow more common for widowed or divorced women who are unable to financially support themselves to marry temporarily with men whose wives will not allow them to officially take second wives,” she added.

“However, even these are normally longer-term and not publicized. Everyone considers very short-term temporary marriages shameful because of the money involved."

Temporary marriage in Shi'ite Islam

Under Shi'ite Islamic law, temporary marriage, known in Persian as sigheh or mut‘ah, is a marriage contract with a set duration. The term may last from a few hours to several years, depending on the agreement.

The contract is usually verbal and consists of the man and woman (or their representatives) reciting a formula (sigheh) that specifies the agreed duration and a predetermined dowry (mahr). Witnesses are not required for it to be valid.

Since 2013, temporary marriage has been legally recognized in Iran, though registration is only required if a child is conceived.

If registered or witnessed, temporary marriage allows recognition of children and provide some legal security to women. Once the term ends, the marriage automatically dissolves without requiring divorce proceedings.

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  Sex work blessed by religion: Inside Iran’s temporary marriage network

Children are legally recognized, with inheritance and custody rights, though complications often arise if the marriage is not officially registered.

Unlike permanent marriage, a woman in temporary marriage is not entitled to alimony after expiration and has no right of inheritance from her temporary husband.

Widows and divorced women may enter temporary marriage without paternal consent. Unmarried girls, however, need their father’s approval, as in permanent marriage. The minimum legal age for girls is 13, fueling concern about child marriage in poor areas.

Sunni Islam does not recognize temporary marriage.

Sex trade in disguise

Islamic jurists describe temporary marriage as a legitimate solution to sexual needs and a safeguard against prostitution.

Although prostitution is explicitly criminalized and punishable in Iran, sigheh still enjoys legal backing, and its broad interpretations have created a religious-legal loophole that paves the way for exploitation.

The sex trade often operates under the guise of temporary marriage. This is especially visible in religious cities such as Mashhad and Qom, pilgrimage hubs where millions travel each year.

Since its legal recognition, numerous social media channels have openly advertised temporary marriage, offering arrangements from “one-hour to longer terms,” for fixed fees.

Even clerics who accept the principle of sigheh criticize this trend. They argue that it normalizes polygamy or masks prostitution.

“Can you believe that some ignorant, clueless people have set up [Telegram] channels to promote polygamy and temporary marriage? They claim they are reviving the Prophet’s tradition!" wrote cleric Ehsan Ebadi on X.

"Curse on you—you have understood neither the Prophet, nor Islam, nor the philosophy behind these rulings. All you are doing is tarnishing the image of religious people."

Javan newspaper, affiliated with the Revolutionary Guard, reported on September 20 that the growth of online channels and pages under the titles of matchmaking and sigheh-finding has turned into a platform for fraud and exploitation of users.

“The rapid increase of these channels is a serious alarm bell for society.”

Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi has departed Tehran for New York where he will attend the UN General Assembly along with President Masoud Pezeshkian, foreign ministry spokesman Esmail Baqaei said.

An Iranian foreign ministry official denied to Reuters a report by state-run Nour News claiming that Araghchi would travel to Vienna for talks with his European counterparts, saying instead that he will go to New York, not Europe.

Tehran should move as quickly as possible to develop a nuclear weapon, a member of Iran parliament’s National Security Committee said on Sunday.

“Better to move as quickly as possible toward building a nuclear weapon,” Ahmad Bakhshaish Ardestani told Didban Iran.

By mid-afternoon, the rate had reached 1,062,600 rials, continuing a sharp climb that added more than 30,000 rials since Saturday. The jump comes amid heightened expectations that the snapback mechanism will be activated, reinstating international sanctions previously suspended under the 2015 nuclear deal.

On September 20, the dollar opened trading at around 1,013,000 rials and rose to above 1,035,000 by midday, immediately after the UN Security Council rejected a South Korean draft resolution that would have permanently lifted sanctions. With the measure defeated, all restrictions are now set to reimpose automatically from September 27.

The rial has faced repeated shocks since Donald Trump returned to the White House. The latest surge follows months of volatility, with the dollar climbing to 1,058,900 rials in April when US B-2 bombers were deployed to the region. Optimism over nuclear talks briefly brought the exchange rate down to 820,000 rials after a second round of negotiations in Rome, but subsequent Israeli strikes on Iranian targets reignited the currency’s slide.

Even after a ceasefire was announced, the US dollar remained high at 930,000 rials and later climbed back above 940,000 on speculation over snapback sanctions. Despite occasional dips, the overall trend has been steadily upward, culminating in Sunday’s record high.

The collapse of the rial underscores Iran’s deepening economic vulnerability as diplomatic isolation grows, with markets responding sharply to both international pressure and the stalled state of nuclear negotiations.