Kurdish political prisoner at risk of execution for helping injured protesters
An Iranian-Kurdish political prisoner faces execution in Iran for providing medical supplies to protesters injured during the Women, Life, Freedom uprising in 2022.
An Iranian-Kurdish political prisoner faces execution in Iran for providing medical supplies to protesters injured during the Women, Life, Freedom uprising in 2022.
Rezgar Beigzadeh Babamiri, who was arrested in April last year, now stands accused of a litany of charges, including moharebeh (enmity against God), espionage, and rebellion, in a case marked by torture and judicial misconduct.
If convicted, Beigzadeh could face the death penalty. According to his daughter, Zhino, her father has denied all charges except anonymously delivering medical supplies and purchasing a Starlink device for personal use.
“My only crime was the humanitarian act of providing medicine for the injured,’” here father said, she told Iran International.
Beigzadeh, 47, a farmer and father of three, was apprehended by intelligence officers in Bukan and transferred to Urmia, where his family says he endured months of torture during interrogations.
His daughter described how he suffered beatings that left him with bruises, open wounds, and a ruptured eardrum. Despite filing complaints and requesting medical examinations to document the abuse, no action has been taken.
Zhino contends that the accusations against her father are baseless and serve as a tool of political repression. “He was so certain of his innocence that he didn’t go into hiding, even when others involved in providing medical supplies were being arrested,” she said.
Iran has faced widespread condemnation from the likes of Amnesty International for its execution of political prisoners, forced confessions under torture, and sham trials, particularly in the aftermath of the 2022 Women, Life, Freedom uprising.
Following mass protests sparked by the death of Mahsa Amini in police custody, Iranian authorities have executed several protesters in what human rights organizations describe as grossly unfair legal proceedings.
Rights groups and the UN's office of the commissioner on human rights (UNOCHR) have found that detainees are often subjected to brutal torture to extract false confessions, denied access to independent lawyers, and prosecuted in trials lacking due process, with sentences handed down swiftly to warn against dissent.
These executions have been branded by the UNOCHR as a tool of state repression to silence opposition and instil fear among a population demanding justice and fundamental freedoms.
Legal experts speaking to rights group Hengaw, which focuses on Kurdish minority rights in Iran, have highlighted numerous irregularities in Beigzadeh's case.
"The sources emphasized that the charges against Beigzadeh Babamiri are fabricated, and the investigation process has been fraught with significant procedural flaws," the rights group said this week.
He and 13 other defendants were initially forced to rely on a single court-appointed attorney, a move criticized for undermining their defense. Court sessions were later held via video conference, with defendants and their lawyers isolated from each other, preventing effective legal representation.
In addition to political charges, Beigzadeh faces allegations in a separate criminal case involving the murder of a local resident, Mohammad Ali Mohammadi, in March 2023. Despite no evidence linking him to the crime, he is accused of orchestrating the killing.
Legal experts speaking with Iran International on condition of anonymity have criticized the lack of precedent for such a charge under Iranian criminal law, describing it as part of a broader effort to discredit him.
Beigzadeh’s case is just one of thousands caught up in the crackdown on those associated with the Mahsa uprising, particularly in Kurdish regions. Tens of thousands of dissidents have been arrested since 2022 and hundreds more executed each year in a bid to quash dissent.
“In this system, even humanity is a crime,” his daughter Zhino said, emphasizing her father’s innocence and calling on the international community to intervene before it is too late.
The appointee, Abdulrahman Fattahi—an Iranian-born Sunni cleric and former imam—brings a history of Salafi activism and ideological influence that could help shape HTS’s strategy toward Iran and the Kurdish regions.
Sources close to Fattahi, who withheld their identity for security reasons, told Iran International that his early influence drew criticism from Iranian authorities and eventually led to multiple arrests, culminating in his imprisonment before his departure to Syria in 2015.
Shaped by Salafi teachings
Fattahi’s religious education began in mosques in Mahabad, where he studied Islamic theology under Kurdish clerics. His leanings toward Salafi ideology deepened after he traveled to Iraqi Kurdistan in 1992 to study under Abdulqader Tawhidi, a leading figure in the Tawhid Movement for Iranian Sunnis. Tawhidi’s teachings, rooted in emulating the practices of Salafism, shaped Fattahi’s doctrinal beliefs.
Fattahi, also known as Abu Safiya al-Kurdi, has spent decades advocating Salafi-jihadi ideology. Born in Sulgheh, a village near Mahabad in Iran’s Kordestan Province, his early life and religious studies set the foundation for a trajectory that led from local leadership to regional prominence.
After completing his studies in 1996, Fattahi joined the Islamic Movement of Kurdistan, which maintained ties with Iran’s government. He returned to Iran in the late 1990s, where he became the imam of Ziveh, a village near Mahabad. His Salafi views gained him followers but also drew scrutiny, with Iranian authorities repeatedly detaining him. His last arrest in 2011 resulted in a three-year sentence in Rajaei Shahr Prison near Tehran.
Rise in Syria’s jihadist networks
After his release in 2014, Fattahi left Iran and joined jihadist groups in Syria, where he became a prominent figure in the Movement of Sunni Migrants of Iran. This HTS-aligned faction, formed in 2019, consists of Iranian Sunni jihadists who pledged allegiance to HTS’s predecessor, Jabhat al-Nusra.
In HTS-controlled Idlib, Fattahi rose to senior positions, serving as a Sharia judge and Mufti. Video footage shows him delivering fiery sermons in Kurdish, praising figures like Osama bin Laden and denouncing Iran’s Shia rulers as “Rawafid” (rejectors). In these speeches, he vowed to “liberate Iran’s Sunnis from occupation.”
The source who spoke to Iran International detailed Fattahi’s ability to inspire Kurdish jihadists. His rhetoric, the source said, “combines religious authority with political strategy, making him a key figure in HTS’s evolving regional plans.”
Fattahi’s reported appointment as deputy for Iranian affairs to HTS leader Abu Mohammad al-Joulani signals a potential shift in the group’s regional strategy.
Al-Joulani recently described Iran’s presence in Syria as a significant threat. He said: “We were able to end the Iranian presence in Syria, but we are not enemies of the Iranian people.”
Fattahi’s Kurdish roots and ideological stance position him to influence HTS’s approach to both Iran and the Kurdish regions. His prominence suggests that HTS is leveraging Iranian Sunni dissidents to consolidate its control in Idlib while countering Tehran’s influence in Syria.
For Tehran, Fattahi’s role represents a direct ideological and strategic challenge. His leadership highlights the enduring influence of transnational Sunni jihadist networks and highlights the vulnerabilities posed by Iranian Sunni dissidents.
As HTS seeks to balance its Salafi roots with pragmatic goals in Syria’s fragmented conflict, figures like Fattahi demonstrate the group’s adaptability.
His ascent could also further complicate Iran’s efforts to maintain its foothold in Syria - a key smuggling route to its military allies in the region and trade route amidst sanctions - while countering the resurgence of Sunni militancy on its borders.
Salafis, an ultraconservative branch of Sunni Islam, emphasize a return to the practices and beliefs of the early Muslim community (the Salaf Salih or pious predecessors) and often view later interpretations of Islamic teachings as deviations.
Their rigid adherence to this ideology has historically put them at odds with Shia Muslims, whom they label as Rawafid (rejectors) for not recognizing the legitimacy of the first three caliphs and for their veneration of Imams. Salafis accuse Shias of deviating from the core principles of Islam, regarding many of their rituals and beliefs as innovations (bid’ah) forbidden in Islam.
This animosity has fueled sectarian tensions in regions where Salafis seek influence, often leading to violent clashes. Militant Salafi-jihadi groups, such as ISIS and al-Qaeda, have taken this opposition to an extreme, targeting Shias in their campaigns, excommunicating them (takfir), and justifying violence against them as part of their broader ideological and political objectives. This sectarian divide continues to play a significant role in the dynamics of conflicts across the Middle East.
