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Mohammad Sabahi's mysterious death makes him the third Friday Imam of the relatively small town of around 100,000 people to have been killed since the 1979 Islamic revolution.

“Despite the efforts of the doctors and medical staff at Namazi Hospital in Shiraz, the Friday Imam has passed away due to the severity of his injuries,” Kazeroun’s governor, Mohammad Ali Bekhrad, told IRNA on Friday evening.

While refraining from using the word “martyred” - typically deployed when a person's death has a political or religious background - IRNA added that Sabahi was shot by an assailant after Friday prayers.

Imams are appointed to lead Friday prayers by official religious authorities ultimately led by Iran's supreme leader Ali Khamenei.

Conflicting reports initially emerged, with Iranian media first announcing Sabahi’s death and later describing his condition as critical following an armed attack in which the assailant committed suicide.

Bekhrad earlier denied the attack was an act of terrorism, instead suggesting that a personal conflict may have been behind the shooting.

While also refraining from using the word “martyred”, the governor told IRNA investigations into the details of the incident are ongoing.

Three slain imams

Shortly after news of the shooting broke, a popular Telegram channel claimed the assailant was a war veteran. Mehdi Mazarei, head of Kazeroun’s Martyrs Foundation, contradicted the report and warned that anyone spreading false information would face prosecution.

Mizan News, affiliated with Iran’s judiciary, also reported that initial claims identifying the assailant as a war veteran were false, saying, “this individual is not a veteran but has a criminal record.”

According to Mizan, the assailant attempted to harm a judge 20 years ago using explosives, resulting in self-inflicted injuries, and later served six years in prison for a bombing in Gachsaran in southwestern Iran as well as for weapon theft and bribery.

Sabahi previously served as the Friday Imam of Kharameh in Fars province for a decade before resuming his role in Kazeroun in November 2019.

In a similar case on May 29, 2019, Mohammad Khorsand, another Friday Imam of Kazeroun, was fatally stabbed while returning from a Ramadan prayer.

Security forces quickly apprehended a suspect named Hamid Reza Derakhshandeh, who was sentenced to death by Iran’s judiciary, with his execution confirmed and carried out by the Supreme Court within two months.

On July 31, 1981, Abdolrahim Daneshjou, then the Friday Imam of Kazeroun, was shot dead near his home after evening prayers. State sources linked this attack to members of the People's Mujahedin of Iran also known as MEK, which is now an exiled opposition group in Albania.

Ahmad Khatami in Tehran warned that Iran stands ready to deliver a third missile volley against Israel after the October salvo and another attack in April.

"If Israel makes a wrong move, it will be struck by the True Promise Operation 3," Khatami said during his sermon on Friday.

Khatami, a hardliner, referenced a Quranic verse, saying, "God says in Surah An-Nisa, verse 71, to always be prepared. The enemy wants you to be negligent in this matter." He emphasized that the verse encourages "military, cultural, economic, psychological, and all kinds of preparedness."

Earlier this year, Iran carried out its first direct strike on Israeli territory, which Tehran labeled "Operation True Promise." The April 13 attack involved over 350 drones and missiles almost all of which were intercepted by a U.S.-led coalition, according to Israeli sources.

The state’s second strike was dubbed "Operation True Promise 2" and involved 181 missiles and was carried out in retaliation for the assassinations of Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah in Beirut and Hamas political chief Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran.

Although most missiles were intercepted, a few struck military targets and caused minor damage. After the April attack, Israel responded with air strikes on an air defense site in central Iran.

"Resistance has a cost"

In the city of Qom, another hardline cleric and Friday Prayers leader said past compromises with adversaries have proven ineffective.

“Resistance has a cost, but what endures, holds value, and earns God's satisfaction is resistance,” Imam Mohammad Saeedi said.

Meanwhile, Ayatollah Hossein Noori Hamedani, a senior figure in Iran's Shi'ite clerical hierarchy, expressed concern over apparent divisions within the nation's preeminent seminary in Qom, suggesting that some may support recognizing Israel’s existence.

"We will not allow, under these difficult conditions in Lebanon and Palestine, for some within the seminary to speak of a supposedly independent country," Noori said on Friday.

“The seminary must uphold its authentic traditions and emphasize preserving the people's faith and the nation's greatness. There should be no division within the seminary,” he added.

In another clerical center in Mashhad, Ahmad Alam al-Huda said “national unity,” a slogan of the current government, bolsters the Resistance Front - a term Tehran uses for its allied militias in the region.

“The Front that has formed today in Palestine and Lebanon, where homes are destroyed over people's heads, individuals are displaced, and lives are lost under the rubble, is our front and the front of resistance."

"Today, we are obliged to support the Resistance movement with any available resources; we are indeed supporting the front of Islam.”

With Israel's attack expected imminently, Tehran has intensified its diplomatic outreach across the region, aiming to strengthen alliances with neighboring Arab nations.

On Wednesday, Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant told Air Force crews at the southern Hatzerim Air Base that any counterattack would "levy a heavy price," adding in a video shared on X, “After we attack Iran, everyone will understand your might.”

US President Joe Biden has expressed support for an Israeli response to the Oct. 1 Iranian strike but has said he does not endorse an attack on Iran's nuclear facilities.

Mojtaba Khamenei is widely seen as a frontrunner to succeed his father as Supreme Leader and the move may signal a desire to continue backing armed allies abroad as Hamas pledged to carry on its fight with mutual arch-foe Israel.

“In this meeting, they underscored Ayatollah Khamenei's recent directive to extend support to the people of Palestine and Lebanon, detailing the Iranian nation’s collective contributions,” the website read.

“They highlighted the national campaign 'Iran in Solidarity' as a prominent example of these efforts, symbolizing unity with the fighters and resilient communities of Palestine and Lebanon,” it added.

Khaled Qaddoumi, Hamas’s representative in Tehran, said following the meeting that the death of its leader would not undercut the group's strength.

"(Sinwar) devised a mechanism for leading the Resistance so that in his absence things would not come to a standstill," he said. "Today, no gap in the leadership of the resistance is felt."

US Secretary of State Anthony Blinken was in the Qatari capital Doha to restart talks over a Gaza ceasefire on Friday, but Qaddoumi sounded a defiant note.

“The Americans believe that now is a good opportunity to eradicate the resistance, but, God willing, this will not happen. The era of America is over,” Qaddoumi added.

As Israeli threatens to strike Iran, the hardline core of the establishment shows little sign of backing down in its support for Hamas and Hezbollah. However, efforts by Iranian authorities to raise public donations for Hezbollah have stirred anger among citizens who have been facing five years of 40% annual inflation.

While levels of support have varied over time, US officials estimated in 2018 that Iran provides approximately $700 million annually to Hezbollah.

Yet, what remains largely unseen is the reality of where their days end—curled up in the backseat of their cars, parked under bridges, in quiet corners of affluent neighborhoods, or alongside the city’s busy terminals.

High living costs and astronomical rents have turned their cars into homes, making Tehran’s streets a refuge for those who can no longer afford even the most basic shelter. Annual inflation has soared to over 40% in the past five years, pushing many lower middle class Iranian into poverty.

Reza’s nightly struggle: Azadi bus terminal

It’s past midnight near the Azadi Bus Terminal in western Tehran. The last buses have long departed, and the once-bustling station is now eerily quiet. In the shadows, a row of cars belonging to internet taxi drivers—working for Uber-like services called Snapp and Tapsi—sit idle. Their drivers, including Reza, rest inside, preparing for a few hours of broken sleep before the grind begins again.

“This is where I sleep most nights,” Reza says, motioning to his car. The terminal feels slightly safer than parking on random streets, but it’s far from secure. He pulls a thin blanket from the back seat and tucks a worn pillow into the corner. Before settling in, Reza locks his doors carefully, constantly on alert for theft or assault.

“A few months ago, a driver was stabbed over a stolen radio,” he explains. "People are desperate out here."

Originally from Zanjan, Reza, 54, left his family behind to earn a better living in Tehran. But now, trapped in this cycle, he questions the sacrifices. “I wanted to send more money home, but every night I sleep here, I wonder what I’m really gaining,” he says, gazing at the terminal’s flickering lights. “All I think about is going back home, but what’s left for me there?”

Mahmoud’s makeshift home: Ariashahr Square

Ariashahr Square, in western Tehran, remains lively even as the night deepens. Beneath a nearby bridge, Mahmoud, seemingly in his forties, parks his car—the bridge’s underbelly has become his home. Despite the dangers, he’s built a small community with other drivers and laborers who share his plight.

“It feels strange to call this home, but it’s all I have,” Mahmoud says quietly, pulling his jacket tighter against the cold. He drives long hours each day, making barely enough to survive—around 7,000,000 rials ($10). By the end of his shift, he’s too exhausted to speak.

“I use the park’s toilet, and I cook dinner on a portable gas stove on the sidewalk,” he explains. When asked about showering, he sighs. “Sometimes I go a week without one. Other times, I find a public bath.”

Mahmoud recounts a night when he woke to the sound of a fight between two drivers over a parking spot. “It’s the stress,” he says. “Living like this makes you territorial over nothing.”

Still, Mahmoud’s heart remains with his family back in Lorestan, hundreds of kilometers to the south. “My kids think I have a small place here,” he says, his voice heavy. “If they knew I was living like this, sleeping in my car, how would they look at me?”

Mahmoud explains that, with no job opportunities in his hometown and the wages being too low, he was forced to borrow money to buy a car and work as a driver in Tehran.

Kamran’s silent struggles: Saadatabad

In the wealthier district of Saadatabad in northern capital, the contrast between affluence and struggle is stark. Kamran, 31, parks his car in the shadows of a high-rise apartment block, feeling both safer and more invisible.

“I park here because it feels secure,” Kamran says. “But I also feel like I don’t exist. The people here don’t notice you. They don’t want to.”

After a long day of driving passengers through the city, Kamran’s loneliness deepens at night. “Sometimes I close my eyes and imagine I’m at home,” he says. “But when I wake up, I’m just parked on a street, alone.”

Though Saadatabad offers relative safety, the isolation takes its toll. “There are moments I feel like I’m disappearing,” Kamran says. “If something happened to me, no one would even know.”

A growing crisis: Tehran’s underpass communities

Mahmoud isn’t alone beneath Tehran’s bridges. As he speaks, other drivers begin to gather, sharing cigarettes and quiet conversation. Ali, a driver who’s been sleeping under another bridge near Enghelab Square in central Tehran for over a year, describes the camaraderie among those forced to live in their cars. “We look out for each other,” he says. “It’s dangerous, but at least we have that.”

An economist in Tehran, who requests anonymity for fear of government reaction, explains how the cost of living has pushed low-income workers, like these drivers, to the brink. “Housing prices in Tehran are so inflated that these drivers have no choice but to live in their cars,” he says. “They are the invisible workforce keeping the city running, yet they live in the shadows.”

The economist calls this trend the “underpass phenomenon,” where hidden corners of Tehran become makeshift communities for the working poor, including taxi drivers and day laborers. They struggle to afford even basic shelter in the city they help keep alive.

The emotional toll

Psychologist Soheil Rezaei highlights the emotional toll of this forced lifestyle. “Owning a home gives a person a sense of belonging. Without that, people feel lost,” he explains in an interview with Ebtekar daily. “When you’re constantly moving, without a stable place to call home, it damages your spirit.”

Rezaei adds that even renters often avoid personalizing their spaces, knowing they’ll eventually have to leave. For those sleeping in their cars, like Tehran’s internet taxi drivers, the displacement is even more profound. “They’re living only half a life, without stability or peace,” he says.

The emotional damage can be severe. Rezaei has seen rising rates of depression, anxiety, drug addiction, and even suicide among individuals living in such precarious conditions. “We’re facing a future where more and more people are living without a sense of belonging,” he warns, “and this creates a deep societal crisis.”

Mohammad Mashinchian, Senior Governance Researcher at Pittsburgh University, told Iran International in an interview that the Iranian government's approach to managing the country has failed, leading to new forms of poverty.

"This governance is deeply intertwined with the Islamic Republic’s ideology, making it resistant to change or reform. When the government fails to recognize citizens' rights, it creates an environment where working becomes unprofitable for everyone," he said.

Invisible at night, vital by day

For drivers like Reza, Mahmoud, and Kamran, each night in Tehran is a fight for survival. They spend their days navigating the city’s chaos, ferrying passengers from one end of the capital to the other, but at night, they fade into invisibility. Whether parked near Azadi Bus Terminal, under a bridge in Ariashahr, or in the quiet streets of Saadatabad, these drivers are simply trying to make it through another night.

Their resilience is a testament to the human spirit, but their plight reveals the failures of a system that leaves them with no other choice. Tehran’s streets have become their home, and the human cost is growing, one sleepless night at a time.

In recent weeks, the hackers began peddling Trump emails more widely to one Democratic political operative, who has posted a trove of material to the website of his political action committee, American Muckrakers, and to independent journalists, at least one of whom posted them on the writing platform Substack. The latest material shows Trump campaign communications with external advisers and other allies, discussing a range of topics leading up to the 2024 election.

The hackers' activities tracked by Reuters provide a rare glimpse into the operations of an election interference effort. They also demonstrate Iran remains determined to meddle in elections despite a September U.S. Justice Department indictment accusing the leakers of working for Tehran and using a fake persona.

The indictment alleged that an Iranian-government linked hacking group, known as Mint Sandstorm or APT42, compromised multiple Trump campaign staffers between May and June by stealing their passwords. In a Homeland Security advisory published earlier this month, the agency warned that the hackers continue to target campaign staff. If found guilty, they face prison time and fines.

The Department of Justice indictment said the leakers were three Iranian hackers working with Iran’s Basij paramilitary force whose voluntary members help the regime to enforce its strict rules and to project influence. Attempts to reach the hackers identified by name in the indictment via email and text message were unsuccessful.

In conversations with Reuters, the leakers - who collectively use the fake persona "Robert" - did not directly address the U.S. allegations, with one saying “Do you really expect me to answer?!”

"Robert" is the same fake persona referred to in the U.S. indictment, according to FBI emails sent to journalists and reviewed by Reuters.

Iran's mission to the United Nations said in a statement that reports of the country's involvement in hacking against the U.S. election were "fundamentally unfounded, and wholly inadmissible," adding that it "categorically repudiates such accusations." The FBI, which is investigating Iran’s hacking activity against both presidential campaigns in this election, declined to comment.

David Wheeler, the founder of American Muckrakers, said the documents he shared were authentic and in the public interest. Wheeler said his goal was to “expose how desperate the Trump campaign is to try to win" and to provide the public with factual information. He declined to discuss the material's origin.

Without making any specific references, the Trump campaign said earlier this month that Iran's hacking operation was “intended to interfere with the 2024 election and sow chaos throughout our democratic process,” adding any journalists reprinting the stolen documents “are doing the bidding of America’s enemies.”

In 2016, Trump took a different position when he encouraged Russia to hack into Hillary Clinton’s emails and provide them to the press.

LEAK OPERATION

The leak operation started around July when an anonymous email account, [email protected], began communicating with reporters at several media outlets, using the Robert moniker, according to two people familiar with the matter. They initially contacted Politico, the Washington Post and the New York Times, promising damning internal information about the Trump campaign.

In early September, the accused Iranian hackers used a second email address, [email protected], in a fresh round of overtures, including to Reuters and at least two other news outlets, the two people familiar with the matter, said.

At the time, they offered research compiled with public information by the Trump campaign into Republican politicians JD Vance, Marco Rubio and Doug Burgum, all of whom were under consideration as Trump’s running mate.

The vice presidential reports were authentic, a person familiar with the Trump campaign told Reuters. Neither Politico, the Washington Post, the New York Times, nor Reuters published stories based on the reports.

New York Times spokesperson Danielle Rhoades Ha, said the newspaper only published articles based on hacked material “if we find newsworthy information in the materials and can verify them.”

In an email, the Washington Post referred Reuters to past comments made by its executive editor, Matt Murray, who said the episode reflected the fact that news organizations "aren’t going to snap at any hack" provided to them. A spokesperson for Politico said the origin of the documents was more newsworthy than the leaked material. Reuters did not publish this material because the news agency did not believe it was newsworthy, a spokesperson said.

Both AOL email accounts identified by Reuters were taken offline in September by its owner Yahoo, which worked with the FBI before the indictment to trace them to the Iranian hacker group, according to two people familiar with the investigation. Yahoo did not respond to a request for comment.

Before losing email access, Robert suggested reporters might need an alternate contact and offered a telephone number on the encrypted chat application Signal. Signal, which is more difficult to monitor by law enforcement, did not return messages seeking comment.

Some senior U.S. intelligence and law enforcement officials have said that Iran's interference efforts this election cycle are focused on denigrating Trump as they hold him responsible for the 2020 American drone assassination of former Iranian military general Qassem Soleimani.

Thus far, the already-published leaks do not appear to have changed the public dynamics of the Trump campaign.

MUCKRAKERS

On Sept. 26, North Carolina-based American Muckrakers, began publishing internal Trump campaign emails. Active since 2021, the PAC has a history of publicizing unflattering material about high-profile Republicans. According to public disclosure reports, it is funded through individual, small-dollar donors from around the country.

On its website, American Muckrakers said the leaks came from “a source,” but, ahead of the publication last month, the group publicly asked Robert to get in touch. “HACKER ROBERT, WHY THE F DO YOU KEEP SENDING THE TRUMP INFORMATION TO CORPORATE MEDIA?” the group said in a post to X. “Send it to us and we'll get it out.”

When asked whether his source was the alleged Iranian persona Robert, Wheeler said “that is confidential” and that he had “no confirmation of the source's location.” He also declined to comment on whether the FBI had warned him that the communication was the product of a foreign influence operation.

In one example, Muckrakers published material on Oct. 4th purporting to show an unspecified financial arrangement with lawyers representing former Presidential candidate Robert F. Kennedy Jr. and Trump. RFK Jr. attorney Scott Street, said in an email to Reuters he could not speak publicly about the incident. Reuters confirmed the authenticity of the material.

Muckrakers subsequently published documents from Robert about two high-profile races. It included alleged campaign communication about North Carolina Republican gubernatorial candidate Mark Robinson and Florida Republican representative Anna Paulina Luna, both of whom were endorsed by Trump.

The exchange about Robinson concerned an attempt by Republican adviser W. Kirk Bell, to seek guidance from the Trump camp after the scandal over comments attributed to Robinson on a pornographic forum. Robinson has previously denied the comments. The other message came from a Republican adviser sharing information with the campaign about Luna's personal life.

Robinson and Luna’s campaigns did not return messages seeking comment.

One of the few journalists contacted by Robert who did publish material was independent national security reporter Ken Klippenstein, who posted the vice presidential research documents to Substack late last month. Robert confirmed to Reuters that they gave the material to Klippenstein.

Substack did not respond to a question about its policies concerning hacked material.

After the story, Klippenstein said FBI agents contacted him over his communication with Robert, warning that they were part of a “foreign malign influence operation.” In a post, Klippenstein said the material was newsworthy and he chose to publish it because he believed the news media should not be a "gatekeeper of what the public should know."

A spokesperson for Reuters, which received similar notifications from the FBI, said, "We cannot comment on our interactions, if any, with law enforcement." An FBI spokesperson declined to comment on its media notification effort.

Wheeler said he had new leaks in store “soon” and that he would continue to publish similar documents as long as they were “authentic and relevant.”