A prominent Iranian "reformist" journalist has warned that the Pezeshkian administration is doomed to fail due to negative coverage from state TV, Iran’s hardline media, and foreign-based Persian outlets.
In an interview with centrist Ham Mihan daily which was widely carried by other Iranian media, Ahmad Zeidabadi said "What Pezeshkian is doing is like competing in a speech contest while his mouth is kept shut!"
He pointed out that while Masoud Pezeshkian was holding a news conference in Tehran earlier this month, the state TV was conducting a poll showing negative attitudes toward the President and his cabinet.
Zeidabadi noted that official state media is not supposed to oppose the government's policies, pointing to the hardline rhetoric of state TV, which is intended as a public relations tool for the administration. Despite the challenging media landscape in Iran, Zeidabadi argued that the role of scrutinizing the government's performance should fall to independent media.
He also criticized the state TV's monopoly on broadcasting in Iran. "The presidential administration does not have an exclusive media platform of its own and at the same time it is being targeted by sinister propaganda from the most important state-owned media outlet," the journalist observed.
Iran’s state TV is indirectly controlled by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei through high-level appointees. Currently, well-known hardliners control programming at the sprawling organization, which employs around 40,000 people, with a constantly growing budget, while public services and schools suffer from serious financial problems.
Zeidabadi also accused Persian-language media outside Iran, whose popularity he attributed to the inefficiency of Iranian state TV, of aggressively broadcasting anti-government propaganda into the country. "In such an environment, the Pezeshkian administration stands no chance of success," he reiterated.
In fact, organizations such as the BBC Persian Service and Iran International simply play the role of a non-governmental Iranian media, in the absence of press freedom within the country.
Zeidabadi further said, presumably addressing the state TV, that the time for highlighting the problems is over and it is now time to offer solutions. He stressed that if the state TV does not change its approach, Pezeshkian and his cabinet will certainly fail.
In a debate on the YouTube Channel of Free-Thinking School, former deputy Parliament Speaker Mohamad Reza Khatami, a brother of former "reformist" President Mohammad Khatami and conservative Iranian sociologist Parviz Amini held a debate entitled, "Is the national accord government likely to fail?"
In the debate, Mohammad Reza Khatami emphasized that Iran's new generation no longer cares about the actions or statements of former leaders like Rafsanjani and Khatami. He noted that the younger generation sees these figures as part of the government that has ruled for the past 45 years. Khatami argued that if national accord is truly the goal, the government should at least offer meaningful gestures, such as improving internet access and addressing women's issues. He added that if officials want even critics of the government to participate in elections, they must create an environment where voters can expect real change in governance.
He urged the government to recognize the growing disconnect between its views and those of the new generation.
Parviz Amini argued that the composition of Pezeshkian's cabinet is not the key issue, suggesting that national accord isn’t achieved by simply appointing individuals from different groups to government roles. He emphasized the need for a central, cohesive vision, explaining how the administration plans to tackle issues like inequality and energy consumption. Amini stressed that Pezeshkian’s focus should be on social development, addressing poverty and inequality, particularly in education and healthcare.
He further noted that even past presidents with clear ideas and plans failed, warning that Pezeshkian, lacking a concrete plan, could face an even worse fate.
Comments under the video were far less restrained. One user bluntly stated that Pezeshkian is doomed to fail, while another argued that reforming the current system is impossible. A third commenter, rejecting the conservative-reformist divide altogether, warned, "We'll send all of you—reformists and conservatives—straight to hell!"
The decision highlights the persistent role of Mohammad Mokhber in the theocratic system's inner circle following the death of President Ebrahim Raisi - under whom he served as vice president - in a helicopter crash earlier this year.
In his appointment decree, Khamenei said Mokhber's responsibility would be to continue the Raisi’s administration's "prudent policies ... (especially) identifying and utilizing young and elite talents".
The precise scope of Mokhber’s duties as the Supreme Leader’s assistant remains unclear, but his appointment comes as part of efforts by Khamenei to further consolidate control over the executive branch.
Mokhber, a stalwart personal ally of Khamenei, previously managed several large economic entities for over a decade.
Mokhber’s role in COVID-19 response
Mokhber’s career took on a higher profile during the COVID-19 pandemic, when he served as the head of the Execution of Imam Khomeini's Order (EIKO), an organization that oversees vast economic interests in Iran. Under his leadership, EIKO took charge of producing Iran’s domestically developed COVID-19 vaccine, COVIran Barekat and monopolized the import of COVID-19 test kits.
During the pandemic, Mokhber introduced his daughter Tayebeh as the first recipient of the Barekat vaccine, to emphasize its safety. However, the domestic vaccine rollout was widely criticized.
According to official reports, 136,166 Iranians died from COVID-19 between February 2020 and February 2023. A scientific study published after the pandemic concluded that if Iran had not insisted on using the Barekat vaccine and instead used available international vaccines, an estimated 50,000 lives could have been saved.
Although Mokhber left his role at EIKO after the pandemic subsided, his involvement in the state’s pandemic response including the monopoly on test kit imports and the domestic vaccine’s development, may define his legacy.
His transition into the position of Khamenei’s assistant highlights the trust placed in him despite the controversies surrounding his pandemic-era leadership.
Rise to power
Born in 1955 in Dezful, Mokhber hails from a religious family. His father, Abbas Mokhber, was a local preacher and held various roles after the 1979 revolution. In 1995, Mokhber founded an institute in his father’s name which remains under the management of relatives.
Before the revolution, Mokhber was a member of the Mansouroun group, a faction that eventually became part of the Mojahedin of Islamic Revolution Organization. Some have accused the group of involvement in a deadly arson attack on a cinema in Abadan which outraged Iranians in the run-up to the Islamic Revolution.
Mokhber’s rise to power began in the 2000s, when he joined the Foundation for the Oppressed, an economic organization under the control of Khamenei. Working under Mohammad Forouzandeh, another member of the Mansouroun group, Mokhber was involved in the foundation’s commercial and transportation sectors.
His ascent continued with his role in the exclusion of Turkish telecom giant Turkcell from the Irancell project. Mokhber reportedly played a role in convincing the Iranian parliament to replace Turkcell with South Africa’s MTN, positioning himself as a key figure in the economic and political decisions. Shortly afterward, in 2007, Khamenei appointed him as the head of EIKO, an organization with vast financial resources and little transparency.
Mokhber’s economic influence
During his 14-year tenure at EIKO, Mokhber expanded its economic reach, particularly through the Barkat Pharmaceutical Group, a conglomerate of 20 pharmaceutical companies, some of which had been confiscated from private owners.
The Barkat group became central to Iran’s pandemic response, even before the development of the COVID-19 vaccine, as it monopolized the importation of COVID-19 test kits.
Mokhber’s family connections have also come under scrutiny. His son, Sajjad Mokhber, has been named in reports linking him to debts and privileged positions in companies connected to the Pasargad Bank, another entity reportedly tied to EIKO.
Leaked documents in early 2024 implicated Sajjad in oil trading deals, raising questions about the extent of the Mokhber family’s influence in Iran’s economy.
The editorial, penned by Hossein Shariatmadari, managing editor of Kayhan and representative of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei at the newspaper, claimed that the reformist figures who advised President Pezeshkian to hold such "humiliating meetings" with US leaders might be plotting against him.
Shariatmadari also criticized media outlets aligned with “reformists” for suggesting that Pezeshkian meet with US presidential candidates Donald Trump and Kamala Harris.
Pezeshkian, who arrived in New York on Sunday for the 79th session of the UN General Assembly, emphasized his commitment to “diplomacy and global peace” in a statement upon his arrival. He stated, "Instead of bloodshed and war, we must create a world where all people can live comfortably."
In his editorial, Shariatmadari linked the proposal to a broader critique of US actions against Tehran, citing the killing of former IRGC Quds Force Commander Qasem Soleimani, ongoing sanctions, Washington's withdrawal from the JCPOA, and its failure to acknowledge Pezeshkian’s election. He suggested that the advice might be motivated by a desire to take "revenge for Ebrahim Raisi's revolutionary positions."
The editorial also accused a faction within Iran of seeking to align the country with the US and Western powers, even 45 years after the 1979 revolution. Shariatmadari described these individuals as "Western puppets hiding within the Islamic Republic."
However, Pezeshkian said that his trip to New York was focused on “promoting values that the UN itself claims to uphold.” He challenged the organization “to demonstrate its commitment to these values through actions, not just words.” Pezeshkian also added that his objective at the UN is “to counter negative portrayals of the Islamic Republic.”
Pezeshkian said that “Iran is much safer and freer than its critics suggest,” adding that he would engage with the Iranian diaspora and work to “neutralize” what he described as a misleading image of Iran that is presented in the West. "Reality is not what they present through television screens, podiums, or international forums," Pezeshkian stated.
On Saturday, some news websites including Modara and Tejarat News reported that Pezeshkian was accompanied by a delegation, consisting of 35 to 40 individuals, including his two sons, daughter, and son-in-law.
Fada-Hossein Maleki, a member of Iran's Parliamentary National Security and Foreign Policy Committee, suggested that Pezeshkian’s interviews with Western media during his visit to New York could influence the US elections.
Before departing for New York, Pezeshkian accused the UN of “failing to fulfill its responsibilities,” particularly in addressing what he called "Israel’s crimes."
Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, who arrived in New York ahead of Pezeshkian, participated in meetings on the sidelines of the General Assembly, focusing on the ongoing conflict between Israel and Gaza. Araghchi met with high-level officials from Kuwait, Bahrain, and the Gulf Cooperation Council, discussing regional stability, security, and Israel’s actions in Gaza and southern Lebanon. He also held talks with representatives from the UN, including officials responsible for humanitarian aid to Gaza, the International Committee of the Red Cross, and the UN’s Syria envoy.
On September 19, Reuters, citing three Iranian officials, reported that Pezeshkian, on his first trip to the West since his election, would carry a message signaling that "Tehran is open to diplomacy", while emphasizing that Tehran will not bow to pressure.
The report anticipated that Iranian and European officials at the UN would discuss potential pathways for returning to diplomatic efforts concerning Iran's nuclear program, while also aiming to ease tensions with Israel. However, there has been no indication of interest from Europe or the US in resuming negotiations.
Pezeshkian is set to address the UN General Assembly on Tuesday during the opening day of the high-level General Debate session.
Pezeshkian reiterated that joining the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), reviving the 2015 nuclear deal (JCPOA), and improving international relations are crucial for removing barriers to foreign investment and trade. He emphasized that these steps are essential for achieving the goals outlined in Iran's 20-year Vision Plan (2005-2025). Pezeshkian also pledged to formally request that the Expediency Council prioritize FATF accession on its agenda.
Without accession to several international financial conventions demanded by FATF, Iran cannot have full access to global banking, normal trade relations and investments by large global companies.
In 2018, the Parliament approved two pieces of legislation that the FATF required to take Iran off of its black list. The hardline Constitutional watchdog, the Guardian Council, however, rejected the legislation and the issue was referred for arbitration to the Expediency Council which has has not acted to date. Two other laws were never approved by parliament.
Iran has been on the money-laundering watchdog’s blacklist since February 2020.
Hardliners, ultra-hardliners, and their supporters in the parliament, media, and across social media platforms have reacted forcefully to Pezeshkian’s remarks. A political analyst in Tehran told Iran International that powerful individuals whose financial interests will suffer from transparency are the main driving force behind the opposition to accession to FATF. They also prefer economic sanctions to remain in place because as regime insiders they make money by circumventing trade and banking restrictions.
Iranian media and politicians often refer to individuals who make huge profits from selling Iran's oil in international black markets as “profiteers of sanctions”. The extent of such dealings, and profits involved, was revealed in 2013 when business magnate Babak Zanjani was arrested for withholding at least $2.7 billion of the proceeds of sanctioned oil sales on behalf of the Oil Ministry.
Authorities claim Zanjani whose death sentence was commuted to twenty years in prison in April “with the approval of the Supreme Leader” has returned the embezzled money.
“Khamenei did initially oppose Rouhani’s insistence on the necessity of accession to the FATF but without his consent, the parliament could not have passed the two pieces of legislation in 2018 despite the extreme opposition of hardliners,” the political analyst said.
He also pointed out that at the time, Parliament Speaker Ali Larijani told lawmakers expressly that there was no objection from the Leader’s Office to the controversial legislation.
“Oligarchs like Zanjani are now many. Bloomberg’s recent revelation of the role that Hossein Shamkhani is now playing as the top seller of sanctioned oil in global markets is very telling of the extent of these individual’s influence,” he added.
Ali Shamkhani, Hossein Shamkhani’s father, served as Iran's National Security Council for almost a decade until May 2023.
In a speech at the Parliament on September 17, Mahmoud Nabavian, an ultra-hardliner Paydari Party lawmaker, claimed that the international money-laundering watchdog requires Iran to “announce” that the “Qods Force's, [slain commander Qasem] Soleimani, the people of Gaza and Hamas, Yemen and all resistance forces are terrorists.”
Nabavian, an ally of Saeed Jalili who ran against Pezeshkian in the recent elections also insisted that FATF accession means that information on all of Iran's financial activities and trade should be provided to the US and other countries.
“This means identification and full obstruction of all the trade paths of the Iranian nation,” he said.
Speaking to Mehr news agency Tuesday, Mostafa Mirsalim, a hardliner politician and member of the Expediency Council, contended that joining the FATF would be more damaging than not joining it unless the US, which has listed the IRGC and “resistance front” as terrorist organizations, lifts its sanctions and “ends its hostility” with the Islamic Republic.
In one of the election debates in June, Mostafa Pourmohammadi, a conservative candidate, alleged that then secretary of the Supreme National Security Council (SNSC), Saeed Jalili, had been the major force behind the rejection of accession to financial conventions since 2016.
Pezeshkian’s hardliner predecessor, Ebrahim Raisi, in whose government Jalili wielded much influence from behind the scenes also criticized the Rouhani administration, claiming that trade problems were better solved by relying on “neighbors and friendly countries” including China and Russia, and scraping the use of the dollar.
While also emphasizing trade and good relations with “neighbors and friends”, Pezeshkian and his government appear to be determined about joining the FATF.