In a Wednesday broadcast, an Iranian Internet TV channel revealed that Israeli operatives pulled off a clandestine mission in Iran over the past month, leading to casualties and the theft of sensitive documents.
Vahid Khazab, a host on the internet TV channel "Asr," remained tight-lipped about the specifics of the operation, revealing only that a well-connected friend within the security services had informed him about the attack.
Curiously, the Wednesday episode—which covered the latest developments involving Israel and Palestine—has since become inaccessible.
After the program aired, attention quickly shifted to an incident, which could fit the criteria: a reported gas leak on August 29 at an IRGC facility in Isfahan, resulting in the deaths of two senior officers, Captain Mojtaba Nazari, and Lieutenant Colonel Mukhtar Morshidi, and injuring 10 others. In its official statement at the time, the IRGC kept details deliberately vague, omitting the name of the facility and its operations. The statement attributed the incident to a "gas leak" but did not clarify whether the officers died from gas asphyxiation or an explosion.
The host of the "Meydan" program left things ambiguous, not specifying whether he was referring to this particular incident or an undisclosed operation that neither Iranian officials nor the media have acknowledged so far.
Criticizing the strategy of concealing operations on Iranian soil, the other host of the program, Ruhollah Razavi, pointedly remarked: "It seems there's no intention to mention that Iranians, same as the Lebanese, have also been martyred."
Khazab, nodding in agreement, remarked, "Hasn’t Israel conducted operations this past month? Has anyone said a word? Haven’t these operations resulted in martyrs?" His statement trailed off as he deliberately avoided mentioning specific names. He then sharply criticized the silence from officials and relevant agencies, saying, "It seems the strategy is to remain silent so that no one truly knows what’s happening."
The hosts hinted that officials might believe keeping things under wraps avoids public scrutiny—after all, with no visible retaliation and security looking a bit shaky, it might not paint the best picture.
"It's a strategy that if these things are brought up, expectations rise. For example, an ordinary person might say, 'Oh come on, they just talk and do nothing!'" Khazab added.
This scenario has already unfolded, with Tehran issuing multiple declarations of retribution for the killing of Ismail Haniyeh in July in Tehran, yet no retaliatory actions have materialized. The lack of any visible response has led some to question whether the promises were ever meant to be fulfilled, ultimately undermining the image Tehran seeks to project as a strong and dominant power in the region.
Later on Saturday, IRGC-affiliated Tasnim News refuted the statements made in the program, quoting an unnamed security official who stated, “All the facts in this report are incorrect, and it is unclear which uninformed source provided such information to them.”
The "Asr" Internet TV website provides no information about its ownership, yet the channel's content closely aligns with the IRGC's narrative. However, in 2014, Ramezan Sharif, then head of IRGC public relations, denied claims that the IRGC had launched a private radio-television network under the name "Asr."
Sharif said in his statement: "The IRGC has never intended to create a private radio-television network. The 'Asr' network is part of the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB), designed as part of the national media's broader effort to meet audience needs."
Sarah Raviani, the spokesperson for the group’s English division, is the opposite of what a stereotypical traditional Trump supporter, often portrayed in mainstream media, would be.
She’s young, from generation Z, educated, and comes from an immigrant background. Her family fleeing shortly after the clerical establishment, once led by Ruhollah Khomeini, ousted the monarchy and created the Islamic Republic of Iran in 1979.
“We think that President Trump is the best option for our community to support the policies that we want and we need for freedom and democracy in Iran and for protecting and safeguarding American national security,” said Raviani.
The issue of national security and policies implemented during the first Trump administration on Iran such as pulling out of the JCPOA nuclear deal, the listing of the IRGC as a terrorist entity and the assassination of Gen. Qassem Soleimani, proved to Raviani that the former President was tough on the Iranian regime.
National security and international relations analyst Shayan Sami’i said the Biden-Harris administration's policies towards Iran have tilted some Iranian Americans towards Trump.
“Disillusionment with the Democrats, a perception of strength by Trump, and the perception of an “appeasement” approach toward the Islamic Republic by the Biden Administration makes Iranian Americans gravitate toward Trump.”
The Biden administration issued a waiver in 2023 for international banks to transfer $6 billion in frozen Iranian money from South Korea to Qatar, in exchange for the release of five American citizens detained in Iran. As part of the deal, the administration also agreed to release five Iranian citizens in the United States. Republicans point to the fact that the Oct. 7 attack on Israel, launched by Iran-backed Hamas, happened shortly after the release of these funds.
The mentality of the Iranian American voter is also influenced by the history of the Islamic Revolution.
The Islamic Revolution happened under during the Jimmy Carter's Democratic administration, meaning Iranians historically have been weary of the Democrats, said Sami’i.
“The 1979 Islamic Revolution occurred during a Democratic party administration and Democratic administrations were harsher on Iran’s monarchy, making Republicans appear as their true friends. However, Republican presidents, just like their Democratic counterparts, have provided nothing more than lip service and back-pedaling. They have stated good and heart-warming words but no concrete action.”
The “tough” guy image of Trump is often seen as big win for the Iranian Americans whose way of thinking is valuing toughness. This especially applies to those who fled at the start of the revolution, having great fear of the Islamic Republic, Sami’i told Iran International.
Nicole Namdar, a 35-year-old business advisor from Great Neck, NY, now living in Florida, is Iranian Jewish and she’s voting for Trump.
She’s a liberal when it comes to social issues, but she often feels the Democrats respond ‘too little, too late’ and are ‘blind to the realities’ of the threat of the Islamic Republic. Namdar said as a Jewish person, who lost her homeland of Iran to the revolution, she said she needs to feel safe in the land her family came to seek refuge.
“I don’t want to live through an Islamic revolution that my family lost their country to,” said Namdar.
The Foundation for Defense of Democracies' Behnam Ben Taleblu, said while no group is a monolith, the social impact of Trump’s Iran policy has earned him support from a wide verity of Iranian Americans.
“The breaking of taboos to include vocally and vociferously supporting the Iranian people in every iteration of their protests against the regime, killing Iran’s chief terrorist Qassem Soleimani, and unilaterally reimposing sanctions on the regime to rob it of revenues has earned the former president deep support from broad swaths of the Iranian American community,” said Taleblu.
While political engagement and participation is key in any election, Iranian Americans are not going to have significant impact on the outcome of the election, according to Arash Ghafouri , the CEO of Statis Consulting.
In the previous election, according to a poll by Zogby Research Services, 87 percent of Iranian Americans were registered to vote in the US. Of that number, 52 percent are Democrats and 8 percent are Republicans. But 40 percent identify themselves as either independent or have no party affiliation.
Raviani believes that has shifted significantly in the past 4 years and gave her own personal experience of an Iranian American activist who went from being a staunch Democrat, a never Trump voter, to now being one of his biggest supporters.
“I see a lot of the community has shifted into becoming single issue voters, and this happened as a result of the uprising in 2022 in Iran. And like I said, a lot of Iranian Americans identified as either apolitical Democratic voters or independents.”
Click on YouTube Iran Internationa's Podcast playlist to watch the full episode of this week's special edition of Eye for Iran from Washington DC.
The decision was announced by the Farabi Cinema Foundation, which revealed that the film, directed by Babak Khajeh Pasha, had been chosen after a 10-day deliberation process by a nine-member selection committee.
According to official government news website IRNA, the selection committee, tasked with reviewing eligible films for the Oscars, voted in favor of "In the Arms of the Tree" over two other finalists. The nine-member panel included figures in Iranian cinema, such as Narges Abyar, Shabnam Moghaddami, Fereydoun Jeyrani, Ali Dehkordi, and others.
"In the Arms of the Tree" tells the story of Kimia and Farid, a couple married for twelve years, whose life crisis shatters their children’s world. The main roles in this Iranian drama are played by Maral Baniadam, Javad Ghamati, and Rouhollah Zamani.
The submission follows a process overseen by the Farabi Cinema Foundation, which operates under the auspices of the Ministry of Culture. The Foundation is responsible for ensuring that the chosen film complies with the guidelines imposed by the government, including adherence to censorship laws and the mandatory hijab requirement for actresses. These regulations have long governed the selection process for Iran’s official Academy Award submissions.
While "In the Arms of the Tree" will represent Iran at the Oscars, a parallel trend within the country's film industry has gained momentum in recent years, particularly following the nationwide Women, Life, Freedom protests. The protests, which began in 2022 after the death of Mahsa Amini, have sparked a new wave of dissent within various cultural and artistic spheres, including cinema.
Iranian filmmakers, many of whom operate outside the official framework, have turned to producing films that violate the Islamic Republic's censorship laws, particularly its restrictions on the portrayal of women and political dissent. These films, while barred from official submission to the Oscars, have found success at other international film festivals and in global cinema markets, highlighting the growing divide between state-approved and underground cinema in Iran.
Some of the most notable examples include "Critical Zone" by Ali Ahmadzadeh, which presents a raw and unfiltered depiction of contemporary life in Tehran. The film, which focuses on a drug dealer's interactions with marginalized individuals, was produced without government approval and violates mandatory hijab rules. Despite this, it won the Best Film Award at the Locarno Film Festival in 2023.
Similarly, "Terrestrial Verses", directed by Ali Asgari and Alireza Khatami, offers a direct critique of the societal pressures faced by Iranian citizens. The episodic film premiered at the 2023 Cannes Film Festival and has since gained a wide audience in Europe, with over 100,000 viewers in France alone and total sales nearing $900,000.
Iran’s underground filmmakers have increasingly used cinema as a tool for resistance against government cultural restrictions. Many of these films explicitly challenge the censorship laws that govern official submissions, focusing on themes of repression, personal freedom, and social dissent.
For instance, Navid Mihan-Doost’s "Café" portrays the life of a filmmaker who is banned from working by the authorities. Shot while Mihan-Doost was on temporary leave from prison, the film provides a look at the challenges faced by critical artists in Iran. Café has been screened at various international festivals despite its director being under surveillance, and its portrayal of state censorship has drawn international acclaim.
Films such as "Dark Matter" by Karim Lakzadeh and "My Favorite Cake" by Maryam Moghaddam and Behtash Sanaeiha have further pushed the boundaries of Iran’s underground cinema.
"Dark Matter" tells the story of a young woman’s decision to remove her hijab during a film shoot, symbolizing the growing youth culture of defiance against government-imposed restrictions. Meanwhile, "My Favorite Cake," which focuses on a woman seeking to break free from the constraints of her monotonous life, gained international attention for its success at the 2023 Berlin Film Festival despite violating the country’s hijab laws.
His death followed reports on September 2 about his deteriorating health, though IRGC-affiliated Fars website had initially denied the severity of his condition.
A longtime member of Iran's security apparatus, Seraj was designated by the US Treasury Department last year for his role in overseas assassination plots and human rights abuses in Iran.
He had earlier served as the head of the Special IRGC Intelligence Directorate, also known as Unit 4000, before being removed after a plot to assassinate an Israeli in Cyprus was uncovered. Following his removal, Javad Ghaffari, a figure expelled from Syria, took over the leadership of this unit.
In the last years of his life, the IRGC brigadier general held the position of spokesperson and deputy for communications at the Supreme National Security Council. However, Seraj came to be recognized for his human rights violations.
Starting his career in the 1990s, Seraj rose through the ranks as a senior interrogator within the IRGC Intelligence. Operating under the alias "Alavi," he became known as “the chief interrogator for many political and student activists, extracting forced confessions through pressure and torture.”
His actions during this period left a mark on the lives of many activists, including Ali Afshari, a political figure who in an interview with Iran International identified Seraj as the lead interrogator during his 2000 arrest.
Ahmad Batebi, a journalist at VOA Farsi also wrote on X: “This accursed individual was one of those who played a significant role in torturing me during interrogation and applying psychological pressure to force a false confession in front of state TV cameras. He also tortured many students and political activists to fit them into the absurd scenarios created by the security agencies.”
Seraj was also appointed head of the Student Basij and later appeared as an "analyst and academic" regularly featured in state-controlled media. As the head of the Student Basij, he was actively involved in suppressing students during the 2009 protests, according to Dadgostar, a site documenting human rights violators in Iran.
Throughout his career, Seraj held various roles within the IRGC, including the political deputy of Sarallah Headquarters in Tehran, deputy head of the IRGC Intelligence Organization, and head of the Prophet Muhammad faculty and Imam Hossein University.
In addition to his political and security roles, Seraj was also involved in the interrogation and torture of Fahimeh Dorri Nogourani, the wife of Saeed Emami, a former Deputy Minister of Intelligence.
Seraj was also one of the commanders responsible for the attack on political prisoners in Ward 350 of Evin Prison on April 17, 2014, an incident that came to be known as the Black Thursday of Evin.
In the aftermath of the attack, political prisoner Gholamreza Khosravi Savadjani reported that Seraj had personally escalated his sentence from three years in prison to execution. Khosravi was hanged less than two months later, on June 1, 2014, in Rajai-Shahr Prison.
Hossein Salami, IRGC Commander-in-Chief, praised Seraj in a statement on Saturday, calling him "effective" in confronting what he described as the "sedition movement," a reference to anti-government protests. Salami said, “Seraj played a significant role in confronting sedition … and raising awareness in dealing with various deviations that threatened the Islamic Revolution.”