In his early days as President of the Islamic Republic, Masoud Pezeshkian has laid out his expectations for his top officials, while politicians are beginning to voice their own demands of the new administration.
Although Pezeshkian's directives are often non-binding, formulaic statements aimed at guiding government officials, politicians are offering more concrete policy recommendations. They are urging Pezeshkian to take decisive steps, warning that these actions are crucial as a starting point for addressing the country's pressing challenges.
According to Aftab News, Pezeshkian's first advice to his ministers during his inaugural cabinet meeting was to "avoid appointing aides based on friendships and kinship ties." However, this guidance appeared contradictory to his own decision to appoint Alireza Kazemi, the brother of IRGC Intelligence Chief General Kazemi, as the Minister of Education.
Meanwhile, Pezeshkian has faced criticism for appointing long-time friends to key positions as vice president and ministers, with accusations that these choices were influenced by shared ethnic backgrounds. Notable examples include Vice President Mohammad Jafar Ghaem Panah, Shahram Dabiri, and Health Minister Mohammad Reza Zafarghandi.
Despite this, Pezeshkian advised his colleagues to appoint their aides "based on their capabilities and commitment to the country's strategic plans, rather than on friendship, kinship ties, or shared political affiliations." He emphasized that this approach would "ensure that all officials share a unified vision for the nation."
He further stressed the importance of clearly identifying the individuals responsible for executing their work plans, defining their specific duties, and establishing clear lines of accountability. Pezeshkian also urged his colleagues to approach their tasks with patience, advising against hasty decisions. This sentiment was likely reflected in the Health Minister's response to protesting nurses, asking them to wait at least three months before their unpaid wages totaling $117 million could be paid.
Pezeshkian also called on officials to be transparent with the public, encouraging them to openly explain the reasons behind any failures to fulfill earlier promises.
Meanwhile former lawmaker Heshmatollah Falahatpisheh suggested that the Pezeshkian administration should reduce international tensions as a first step to lifting some of the sanctions, to defend and uphold civil rights and to facilitate an economic reform.
Falahatpisheh, a former chief of the Iranian parliament's National Security and Foreign Relations Committee, emphasized that Pezeshkian's first priority should be to realign Iran's foreign policy to reduce international tensions, which in turn could lead to a reduction in sanctions against the country.
In the area of domestic politics, Falahatpisheh advised that the new government must uphold Iranians' civil rights, particularly regarding the enforcement of hijab regulations and the Morality Police's violent actions against women who defy compulsory hijab rules. He noted that this was a key promise Pezeshkian made during his election campaign. Falahatpisheh argued that the bill enforcing the compulsory hijab rule is out of touch with the realities of Iranian society and stressed that no law should aim to restrict people's freedoms.
For the third step, Falahatpisheh called for economic reform focused on development. He reminded the public that Pezeshkian had previously stated that powerful institutions, which have monopolized the country's economy, should be made accountable and transparent.
Not mentioning that most of such institutions are linked to Khamenei's office, the IRGC, and religious institutions with non-transparent missions, the politician said that Pezeshkian should carry out a review of the current year's budget. He said tens of trillions of rials in the annual budget have been allocated to institutions whose activities do not benefit the nation. He emphasized that Pezeshkian should make sure that all government and non-government bodies work for the benefit of the nation.
On this somber anniversary, Khavaran Cemetery—the infamous site where thousands of political prisoners were buried in unmarked mass graves—was once again sealed off by the authorities. The families, who for decades have gathered at this barren plot to mourn, remember, and demand justice, were denied entry. Their grief met with the cold indifference of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
This closure is not just an attempt to physically bar families from mourning; it is part of a broader, systematic effort to erase the memory of the 1988 massacre and stifle the pursuit of accountability. Yet, this act of repression only fuels the determination of the Mothers of Khavaran, who have dedicated their lives to keeping the memory of their loved ones alive and demanding justice.
Note: The author's brother was one of the political prisoners summarily executed in 1988.
In the summer of 1988, as the Iran-Iraq war came to a close, the Islamic Republic of Iran initiated one of the most heinous acts of political repression in its history. Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, then-Supreme Leader, issued a fatwa that led to the formation of "Death Commissions" tasked with summarily trying political prisoners. Many of these prisoners had already served years of their sentences; they were brought before these commissions, where they were questioned about their religious and political beliefs. Those who refused to denounce their affiliations or faith were sentenced to death.
The executions were carried out with chilling efficiency, with prisoners hanged in groups and buried in mass graves. Khavaran Cemetery, a desolate stretch of land on the outskirts of Tehran, became one of the most infamous sites of these mass graves. The government not only executed these prisoners in secret but also worked tirelessly to cover up the crime. Families were denied the bodies of their loved ones, refused the right to hold funerals, and were kept in the dark about the location of their graves.
Yet, despite the regime's best efforts to erase the memory of those who were executed, the families refused to be silenced. The Mothers of Khavaran, along with other family members, have for decades braved the threats and intimidation to gather at Khavaran, laying flowers and placing photos on the unmarked graves. Their defiance has been met with brutal force—flowers trampled, photos destroyed, and mourners harassed and arrested. But these mothers persisted, turning their grief into a powerful symbol of resistance against a regime that sought to obliterate the memory of their children.
The Mothers of Plaza de Mayo: A Parallel Struggle
The story of the Mothers of Khavaran bears a striking resemblance to the struggle of the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo in Argentina. During Argentina's "Dirty War" (1976-1983), the military dictatorship kidnapped and "disappeared" thousands of people, most of whom were young political activists. The government denied any knowledge of their whereabouts, leaving families in a state of perpetual uncertainty and grief.
In response, the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo began gathering every Thursday in the Plaza de Mayo in Buenos Aires, demanding to know the fate of their disappeared children. Wearing white headscarves embroidered with the names of their children, these women became an iconic symbol of resistance against state terrorism. They, too, faced repression, threats, and violence, but they refused to be silenced. Their persistent efforts eventually brought international attention to the crimes of the dictatorship, leading to some degree of accountability and justice.
Both the Mothers of Khavaran and the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo have shown extraordinary courage and resilience in the face of overwhelming odds. Their struggles are not just about seeking justice for their loved ones; they are also about preserving the collective memory of their societies. By keeping the stories of their children alive, they have challenged the state's monopoly on history and truth.
Grief as a Catalyst for Political Activism
The grief of the Mothers of Khavaran and the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo transcends personal loss; it has become a powerful force for political and social change. Gail Holst-Warhaft, in her work on grief and its political uses, argues that the control of mourning and the dead is a potent tool for regimes seeking to suppress dissent. By denying families the right to mourn, regimes attempt to control the narrative and prevent the formation of a collective memory that could challenge their authority.
However, as seen in both Iran and Argentina, this strategy can backfire. The refusal to allow families to grieve publicly has often led to the politicization of grief, turning mourning into a form of resistance. The Mothers of Khavaran and the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo have transformed their sorrow into a relentless pursuit of justice, using their loss as a catalyst for broader social and political activism.
In both cases, the mothers' activism has forced the state to confront its past, even if it has not yet resulted in full accountability. The Mothers of Plaza de Mayo succeeded in bringing international attention to the atrocities committed by the Argentine dictatorship, leading to trials and convictions of some of those responsible. The Mothers of Khavaran, on the other hand, continue to fight against a regime that still distorts and hides the truth about the 1988 massacre. Their battle for justice is far from over, but their persistence ensures that the memory of the victims will not be erased.
Hezbollah’s decision to strike was in retaliation for the assassination of a senior commander in Beirut last month, the Iranian-backed group said, as Israel's cabinet met to prepare a response.
Since the killing of Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran on July 31, the world was expecting an Iranian retaliation, directly or through Hezbollah and Tehran’s other proxy forces in the region.
Israeli jets hit targets in Lebanon shortly before the strikes as the military assessed that Hezbollah was preparing to begin the barrage, the military said.
Hezbollah said it had launched more than 320 Katyusha rockets towards Israel and hit 11 military targets. It said the barrage had completed "the first phase" of its response to the assassination of Fuad Shukr, a senior commander, in Beirut but that the full response would take "some time".
There was no statement by Iranian officials at the time of this publication and government-controlled media only carried the Hezbollah statement.
Israel's cabinet was to meet at 7 a.m. (0400 GMT), Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's office announced.
A few hours later, Israel's military said it carried out further attacks against Hezbollah rocket launchers in southern Lebanon. "In the last hour, the IDF struck Hezbollah launchers in several areas in southern Lebanon to remove threats," the military said in a statement.
Foreign Minister Israel Katz said Israel would respond to developments on the ground but did not seek a full-scale war. Defense Minister Yoav Gallant said Israel would do whatever necessary to defend itself.
"We have conducted precise strikes in Lebanon in order to thwart an imminent threat against the citizens of Israel. We are closely following developments in Beirut, and we are determined to use all the means at our disposal in order to defend our citizens," Gallant said in a statement.
Most of the Israeli strikes were hitting targets in southern Lebanon but the military was ready to strike anywhere there was a threat, an Israeli military spokesperson said.
Gallant declared a state of emergency, and flights to and from Ben Gurion airport in Tel Aviv were suspended for around 90 minutes, but the airports authority said normal operations were expected to resume soon.
In northern Israel, warning sirens sounded, and multiple explosions were heard around several areas as Israel's Iron Dome aerial defense system shot down rockets coming from southern Lebanon. Israel's Magen David Adom ambulance service said it was on high alert all over the country.
The Israeli military issued civil defense instructions from central Israel to the north, limiting gatherings but authorizing people to go to work as long as they were able to reach air raid shelters quickly. There were no casualties immediately reported in Israel, according to the ambulance service.
Fears of regional conflict
A security source in Lebanon said at least 40 Israeli strikes had hit various towns in the country's south in one of the densest bombardments since hostilities began in October.
A resident of the southern Lebanese town of Zibqeen, some 7 km (4 miles) from the border, told Reuters it was the first time he had awakened "to the sound of planes and the loud explosions of rockets - even before the dawn prayer. It felt like the apocalypse."
Israel's Army Radio, citing defense officials, said the military assessed that Hezbollah had been preparing to fire hundreds of missiles into central Israel in an attack planned for 5 a.m.
Around 100 Israeli jets foiled the Hezbollah missile strikes, beginning their attack half an hour beforehand, the report said, adding that the military assessed the subsequent Hezbollah barrage was "improvised".
"Dozens of (Israeli Air Force) jets are currently striking targets in various locations in southern Lebanon. We are continuing to remove threats, and to intensively strike against the Hezbollah terrorist organization," said a military spokesman, Rear Admiral Daniel Hagari.
The Israel-Hezbollah escalation has drawn fears of a wider regional conflict, potentially involving both the United States and Iran. President Joe Biden was following events closely, the White House said.
"At his direction, senior US officials have been communicating continuously with their Israeli counterparts. We will keep supporting Israel’s right to defend itself, and we will keep working for regional stability," said National Security Council spokesperson Sean Savett.
Iran has hinted that if there is ceasefire in Gaza it might reconsider retaliation for Haniyeh’s killing, or significantly limit its dimensions. It appears important for Tehran to save Hamas from a military defeat.
The strikes came as negotiators were meeting in Cairo in a last-ditch effort to conclude a halt to fighting in Gaza and a return of Israeli and foreign hostages in exchange for Palestinian prisoners.
Hezbollah fired missiles at Israel immediately after the Oct. 7 attacks by Hamas gunmen on Israel. Hezbollah and Israel have been exchanging fire constantly ever since, while avoiding a major escalation as war rages in Gaza to the south.
With Reporting by Reuters
The report indicates that 10.6% of all issued checks were returned in terms of volume, and 15.7% in terms of value during the past month.
Historical data from the Central Bank shows that the number of bounced checks in July reached its highest level since May 2020, when the country was grappling with the COVID-19 crisis. In total, nearly 912,000 checks worth approximately 1000 trillion rials were returned during the fourth month of Iran’s fiscal year (June 21-July 21).
The report does not detail the distribution of bounced checks between companies and individuals but highlights that over 30% of the returned checks (by volume) were recorded in the capital, Tehran. More than 11% were in Isfahan, 7.4% in Razavi Khorasan, 7.4% in East Azerbaijan, and 5.6% in Yazd. These provinces are key industrial hubs and contribute significantly to the country's GDP.
The Central Bank has also not provided an explanation for the continued surge in the number and value of bounced checks since the beginning of this year.
An increase in bounced checks, whether in the individual or corporate sectors, indicates a worsening economic situation in the country.
Iranian officials have pointed to a 4.5% economic growth in the past year and have repeatedly claimed that the country’s economic situation is improving. However, details of last year’s economic growth reveal that two main factors driving the economy were increased government expenditures and oil revenues. The oil and gas sector saw a growth of around 14.7% based on 2011 constant prices, while government spending grew by 17%. Without these two elements, Iran’s economic growth would be flat or negative.
OPEC and international agency data show that Iran’s oil production growth has nearly stalled in recent months, making it unlikely for the country’s GDP to rise again through increased oil exports.
The International Monetary Fund (IMF) has also forecasted that Iran’s GDP growth at 3.3% in 2024 and 3.1% for 2025, far below the 2023 level.
Among those detained is Firoozeh Mojrian-Shargh, a nurse at Qaem Hospital in Mashhad, who was arrested on Tuesday night by security forces. Shortly after her detention, Mojrian-Shargh fell into a coma, raising serious concerns about her treatment in custody.
Mojrian-Shargh remains in critical condition in the ICU, her case drawing parallels to the tragic death of Mahsa Amini, who received traumatic head injuries and died after being detained by Iran’s morality police in 2022. Her death sparked widespread protests that lasted until early 2023 during which security forces killed atleast 550 people.
The crackdown is part of a broader effort by Iranian authorities to suppress the growing protests, which began on August 5 and have since escalated into widespread strikes affecting around 50 hospitals and medical centers across seven provinces. Nurses, frustrated by the government's unfulfilled promises and unpaid wages. They have been chanting slogans such as "We've heard many promises, but seen no answers" and "Our patience has run out."
In addition to Mojrian-Shargh, Zahra Tamadon, the head nurse of Ward 10 at Masih Daneshvari Hospital in Tehran, was detained on Wednesday, along with several other nurses.
According to Norway-based rights group Hengaw, her arrest may be linked to the recent protests and strikes. Additionally, two protesting nurses were arrested in Arak, further illustrating the sweeping nature of the crackdown. According to information received by Iran International, at least 18 protesting nurses have been summoned to security agencies in recent days across various cities.
Despite the intensified crackdowns, nurses in several Iranian cities, including Khorramabad in western Iran, Babol in the north, Khomeyni Shahr in central Iran, and Sabzevar in the northeast, launched a fresh wave of strikes and rallies on Saturday, continuing their demands for better pay, elimination of mandatory overtime, and improved working conditions.
The protests gained momentum after the death of 32-year-old nurse Parvaneh Mandani on August 2, reportedly due to over-work-induced Karoshi syndrome, which has become a rallying point for healthcare workers.
Meanwhile, reports emerged on Friday that another Iranian nurse, Elaheh Kazemi, has fallen into a coma due to extreme work-related stress.
Kazemi, who worked in clinics in Tehran, had been suffering from severe fatigue and body pain, which led her to frequently use painkillers. Her brother shared in an Instagram video that Kazemi has been unconscious for five days and is currently hospitalized at Loghman Hakim Hospital in Tehran.
These incidents highlight the dire working conditions faced by healthcare workers in Iran. Mohammad Reza Sharifi-Moghaddam, Secretary-General of the Nursing House, revealed that in just one month, three nurses died in their sleep, deaths attributed to "Karoshi syndrome," a condition caused by extreme overwork.
Iran’s new Health Minister, Mohammad Reza Zafarghandi, admitted that the government owes nurses a staggering 75 trillion rials (approximately $117 million) in unpaid wages but offered only vague assurances that the payments would be made “as soon as possible.” That amount is a huge sum in Iran where nurses earn just $200 a month.
As Iran’s healthcare crisis deepens, the state’s prioritization of suppressing dissent over addressing the systemic issues driving the nurses' protests underscores a broader strategy focused on maintaining control rather than resolving the underlying problems that have led to widespread unrest.