Femicide rates in Iran up by 60% in two years, report says

A new report has highlighted an alarming trend of increasing femicide cases amid an ongoing pattern of violence against women and girls in Iran.

According to the report by Etemad Daily, in the first three months of the Iranian calendar in 2024 alone (March 20 to June 21), at least 35 women and girls were murdered by their close male relatives, particularly their husbands.

The number is a 25 percent increase from the 28 recorded during the same period in 2023 and a 59% rise from the 22 deaths in 2022.

A massive 85 percent of the murders were committed by the victims' husbands and cases were spread across the country. In 2022, 16 women were killed by their husbands, followed by 15 in 2023, with a sharp increase to 27 in 2024 amid the climate of state crackdowns on women and girls.

Rights activists point to Iran’s laws and patriarchal society based on Islamic law as the primary cause of femicide which has worsened since 2022.

Conditions for women have become so bad that the United Nations branded Iran's policy as "gender apartheid" as state policy legitimizes violence against women.

Honor killings can be carried out for as little as not wearing the mandatory hijab, bringing shame on the family.

UN Women says these gender-related killings are the “most brutal and extreme manifestation of violence against women and girls. According to the latest UN Women report, globally on average, more than 133 women or girls are killed every day by someone in their own family.

Speaking to Iran International, Iranian feminist and human rights activist, Mina Khani, highlighted the lack of accurate statistics in Iran amid heavy censorship and corruption, and the state's own involvement in committing femicide.

Official figures suggest numbers even lower than Germany, she said, with massive discrepancies in both the reporting and recording of such crimes.

"In this context, human rights statistics are crucial," she said. "Organizations like Hengaw report femicide statistics in Iran based on the cases they document, as there is no official statistical reference for human rights organizations to rely on,” Khani stated.

Norway-based rights organization, Hengaw, identified that "at least 50 cases of femicide have been recorded in various cities of Iran since the beginning of 2024.

Khani noted "the state's failure to take legal measures to protect women from domestic violence".

She said, "Instead, the regime has legalized violence attributed to honor and gender-based violence against women, and it also engages in state-sponsored femicides".

High profile cases such as Mahsa Amini and Armita Geravand, who both died in morality police custody, exemplify the role of the state, she said, which "has never been held accountable".

Soraya Fallah, an Iranian researcher and women’s rights activist touched on the surge and prevalence of femicide in Iran adding that the situation highlights an “urgent need for serious measures to change laws and address cultural issues in Iran.”

Fallah echoed Khani’s statements, blaming Iran's discriminatory laws for fueling the femicide crisis.

“The Islamic government of Iran has institutionalized unequal laws and their implementation, enabling crimes like honor killings. These laws, such as Article 630, provide legal grounds for such acts, fueling patriarchal violence," she said.

Article 630 of the Islamic Penal Code allows a man to kill his wife and her partner if he catches them in the act of consensual adultery, without facing any punishment. This law exclusively targets women. Additionally, a father or paternal grandfather who kills their child is exempt from the retribution sentence, known as Qesas.

"The Islamic Republic uses these laws to maintain power and perpetuate these issues within society. Comprehensive legal and cultural changes are crucial to address these deep-rooted problems and protect women's rights in Iran," she added.

The state’s crackdown on charities dedicated to supporting women experiencing domestic violence further add to the crisis with the UN calling for legal reform to empower women in Iran.

Amnesty International last year said, "The Iranian authorities’ oppressive methods of policing women and girls and punishes those who dare to stand up for their rights".

"To this day, not a single Iranian official has been held accountable for ordering, planning and committing widespread and systematic human rights violations against women and girls through the implementation of compulsory veiling," it added.

Iran’s President-elect sparks outcry by attacking election boycotters

Jul 23, 2024, 16:00 GMT+1

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Niloufar Goudarzi

Iran’s president-elect’s praising voters for delivering a "resounding punch to the mouth" of those calling to boycott the polls, has ignited a firestorm of reactions from the public.

"I pray that God spares us from being shamed before these esteemed citizens, who, despite the widespread propaganda discouraging them from voting, turned out in force and delivered a resounding punch to the mouths of those, both domestic and foreign, who campaigned against participation," Masoud Pezeshkian said in parliament on Sunday.

Critics assert that during his campaign, Pezeshkian, presenting himself as a pro-reform politician, used softer language, acknowledging non-voters' grievances and speaking of forgiveness and national unity.

In stark contrast, his current rhetoric in the face of mass abstention, mirrors the hardline stance of the Islamic Republic, further alienating a populace already frustrated by economic hardships and political repression.

Iran’s Independent Filmmakers Association is the latest to join the critics, issuing a statement condemning Pezeshkian's "blatant insult" to Iranians who did not participate in the government elections.

Just 40 percent of Iranians came to the first round of the polls, the lowest trunout in a presidential election in the 45-year history of the Islamic Republic. In the runoff around almost 50 percent participates, according to unverifiable government numbers.

Former MP Bahram Parsaei tweeted addressing Pezeshkian, "If you believe those who voted delivered a resounding punch to non-voters, to whom did the majority who abstained deliver their blow?"

Political prisoner Hossein Razzagh took to X to voice his criticism, stating, "Pezeshkian and Zarif are the epitome of today's reformists! They eagerly seek a moment of favor from the Supreme Leader, becoming willing pawns in his disgraceful puppet shows and justifications of oppression."

Razzagh, who is currently on medical leave, added, "So enamored with the autocrat's bait, they rush to insult the majority who boycotted the elections!"

The new statesman's shift in rhetoric after the election has aggrieved the public who saw him as at least, a less hardline option for president. Before winning the runoff, Pezeshkian notably said, "I have heard, and continue to hear this doubt, dissatisfaction, and disengagement. I urge you to come forward again on Friday, for Iran, and make your choice. To me, both those who voted and those who did not are worthy of respect."

Former political prisoner Mehdi Mahmoudian also joined the chorus of critics, noting the fact that the new president has formed "the most minority-based government of the last five decades".

Slamming the change of tone, he accused Pezeshkian and the government of "deceptive promises, engineered intimidation, and government doping."

Pezeshkian has already courted controversy by dedicating his time to attending religious ceremonies, which critics argue underscores his lack of substantive political planning ahead of assuming office.

“To demonstrate solidarity with the 20% of the establishment’s supporters, he tirelessly moves from one gathering to another each night. Meanwhile, he wields an iron fist against the 60% who chose not to vote,” Mahmoudian added.

Meanwhile, Pezeshkian supporters condemned the controversial language but argued that one sentence should not define him. Pro-reform daily Shargh stood by the incoming statesman, maintaining that his remarks targeted not the non-voters but those actively campaigning to dissuade participation.

On Monday, Pezeshkian took to Twitter with a message that likely fell short of his supporters' expectations. By labeling non-voters and those advocating for a boycott as "enemies" and calling those who voted "honorable citizens", he reverted to the harsh and divisive rhetoric characteristic of the Islamic Republic. He reduced the complex political landscape to a simplistic "us vs. them" narrative, underscoring a tendency to vilify dissent and ignore the nuanced grievances of a significant portion of the populace.

Ehsan Bodaghi, a journalist and a prominent media supporter of Pezeshkian, also took to X to highlight the reasoning behind the mass abstention and called for Pezeshkian "to recognize this segment of society's rights and demands and listen to their voices".

Having voted himself, he said, "Not only was I not looking to punch those who didn't vote by casting my ballot, but I found many of their arguments logical and valid.

Journalist Hormoz Sharifian, has characterized the president-elect's remarks as an "insult" to figures like Sedigheh Vasmaghi, a former political prisoner and Islamic scholar, and Abolfazl Ghadiani, a political activist who had advocated for an election boycott.

On X, Sharifian wrote, "While journalists may not have the right to urge the public against voting, seasoned political activists like the esteemed individuals mentioned certainly do. Exercising their civic rights should not subject them to threats of being 'punched in the mouth' by the president of a minimalist government."

In the face of pressure from the authorities, multiple political prisoners abstained. High profile figures such as Nobel Peace Prize laureate Narges Mohammadi was among those who publicly declared her refusal to participate, joining many political prisoners who boycotted the elections.

Azadeh Mokhtari, a journalist at Tehran’s Rokna Press, pointed out that the mass abstention is the result of years of suffering. "For years, a significant portion of those who abstained from voting have seen one hollow promise after another burst under the relentless pressure of inflation, leaving them disillusioned and distrustful of any further assurances," referring to Iran's economic crisis amid global sanctions.

But, Pezeshkian's use of incendiary language is not out of character, even throughout his campaign. He once told his ultraconservative rival, Saeed Jalili, that if Jalili were elected and failed to keep his promises, he should be hanged.

During a televised debate on Iranian state TV in July, Pezeshkian challenged Jalili's economic promises: "I will withdraw from the election if Mr. Jalili commits to being executed if he fails to achieve eight percent growth in his government."

Supporters of Pezeshkian seem to overlook his conservative track record, including his years in parliament supporting the IRGC, harsh rules of hijab, and other contentious strategies in the Middle East.

Some supporters insist he is merely posturing to align with the Supreme Leader, hoping this will enable him to implement reforms. They are now anxiously waiting to see the composition of his cabinet, with optimists hoping for a progressive lineup. However, this appears unlikely given the power struggles, as Pezeshkian, even if inclined to appoint moderate figures, would need to persuade the predominantly conservative parliament.