Why should the US not allow Iranian polling stations?

With over 60% of the electorate abstaining in the first round on June 28th, the Islamic Republic faces a crisis of legitimacy. The boycott and abstention by a sizeable majority has highlighted public disillusionment with both 'revolutionary' and 'reformist' factions, which many Iranians view as two sides of the same coin. The two handpicked candidates have engaged in a series of provocative statements and what many observers call "theatrical infighting" to reignite public interest.

Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, in his speech on Wednesday, tried to downplay the significance of the low turnout. He suggested that the lack of participation was not an indication of opposition to the Islamic Republic, but rather a sign that people were preoccupied with their personal lives. Yet, this attempt to save face seems to have done little to mask the regime's growing insecurity. Khamenei's directives to both political factions—who, as critics point out, cannot make a move without his approval—are clear: they must rally the disillusioned masses back to the ballot box to restore the government's “dignity."

Adding to the electoral maneuvering, Ali Akbar Salehi, former Foreign Minister and ex-head of the Atomic Energy Organization, entered the fray with comments about Saeed Jalili, the hardline presidential candidate. Responding to allegations that Jalili obstructed the revival of the JCPOA (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action) during President Ebrahim Raisi's administration, Salehi revealed that “the agreement was nearly finalized and that former Foreign Minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian was poised to sign it.”

The revelation was an implicit nudge to the electorate: a vote for Masoud Pezeshkian might revive the nuclear deal, although the real obstacle, as everyone knows, is Khamenei himself.

Salehi didn't stop there. He disclosed that the Supreme National Security Council had proposed an additional demand in the last moment that derailed the agreement. Jalili, as leader’s man in the council, he claimed, misrepresented Khamenei’s stance on secret negotiations with the United States. The narrative paints Jalili not just as an obstructionist but as someone who viewed possible diplomatic successes by others as personal competition rather than national imperatives.

The tensions within the government's ranks were further highlighted by Mohammad Javad Zarif, the former foreign minister who has been campaigning for Pezeshkian.

In an Instagram live session, Zarif criticized Jalili, questioning the origins of his "falsehoods" and suggesting they might “come from Israel.” Zarif, who was once criticized for glossing over government policies during Hassan Rouhani’s presidency, is now trying to get more people to vote, accusing Jalili of dishonesty and being responsible for brining on sanctions.

Zarif's plea to the public to reject Jalili on Friday might seem like a genuine call to action. However, many remain skeptical, seeing Zarif's efforts as yet another maneuver orchestrated to lure voters back to the polls. The fear voiced on social media is that, regardless of the election's outcome, the cycle of betrayal will continue—citizens' demands and freedoms will be forgotten, much like during the terms of presidents Rouhani and Mohammad Khatami.

As the second round of voting looms, the government's attempts to stage-manage the election underscore its vulnerability. The Iranian public, increasingly aware of the manipulations, faces a stark choice: participate in what many see as a sham process or continue to express their discontent through abstention. One thing is clear—the facade of electoral democracy in Iran is wearing thin, exposing the government's struggle to maintain its grip on power.

Despite evidence that many Iranians are deeply disenchanted with the Islamic government, Khamenei dismissed the idea that those abstaining are against the governing regime.

"Some people may dislike certain officials or even the Islamic system itself, just as they freely express these views, but the idea that everyone who did not vote is aligned with these individuals and this mindset is completely wrong," he said in a meeting with officials.

Official figures released by Iran's Interior Ministry put the turnout in the first round of election at 39.92 percent, the lowest recorded since the establishment of the Islamic Republic in 1979.

"Maybe they didn't participate in the elections because they had problems, were busy with work, were not in the mood, or simply didn't have the time," Khamenei said, expressing hope that the second round would see more enthusiastic participation.

Since the record low turnout in the March parliamentary elections, Khamenei has consistently attributed non-participation to "laziness," downplaying any deeper societal or political reasons.

Khamenei's rhetoric aims to frame voter apathy as a simple lack of effort rather than a response to underlying discontent or dissatisfaction with the government. A five-year-long economic crisis as well as ever-harsher government suppression of dissent have led to deep dissatisfaction among voters.

While casting his own ballot on Friday, Khamenei emphasized action over inaction. He urged, "Don't be lazy, don't neglect, don't underestimate; participate in all corners of the country."

In a speech leading up to the election last week, Khamenei highlighted the significance of voting, stating, "For us Iranians, voting day is a happy day. The 'Republic' in the Islamic Republic means that the presence of people in the system is integral."

He further questioned reluctance, asserting, "Why would there be doubt? It’s an easy thing to do. Why would anyone not do something that is free, easy, and not time-consuming but has many benefits? Participation is essential for the continuation of the establishment."

Nevertheless, Khamenei has not entirely abandoned hope that the populace will heed his call, even though the nation at large is aware of the sham nature of the polls, when only handpicked candidates were allowed to run amid government control of the media and hundreds of dissidents in prisons.

In a short statement published on his website, Khamenei said of the upcoming Friday voting: "The second round of the presidential election is crucial. Those who love Islam, the Islamic Republic, and the country's progress should demonstrate this by participating in the election."

His comments come amidst Iran's ongoing repression of dissenters. Since its establishment in 1979, the Islamic Republic has consistently violated human rights, often imprisoning and executing those expressing contrary views.

The government employs harsh measures such as arbitrary detention, torture, and unfair trials to silence activists, journalists, and political opponents. International human rights organizations frequently condemn Iran’s crackdown on freedom of speech, assembly, and belief, highlighting Iran's oppressive control over its citizens.

Kazem Gharibabadi, the Deputy of International Affairs of the Judiciary, announced on Wednesday that "criminal cases will be filed and pursued against any Iranian or non-Iranian person abroad who, through "insult and threat or creating fear and intimidation," prevents Iranians from participating in the presidential election voting."

The announcement follows a note of protest sent by the Iranian Embassy in London to the British government on June 30. The embassy claimed that there were "attempts to disrupt the presidential voting process and cause trouble for the voters."

It came after the first round of the presidential election, where some individuals in the UK protested outside Iran's missions against Iranians participating in the polls, urging them to boycott the elections as 60 percent of the populace did.

Opposition activists and many regime critics both within Iran and abroad say that the election is a sham exercise by the government, which has denied real freedom of choice to voters and has brutally suppressed dissent.

Since its establishment in 1979, the Iranian government has faced extensive criticism for its human rights violations, including numerous executions and extrajudicial killings. The government has consistently used the death penalty as a means of political repression, targeting dissidents, activists, and minorities. Widespread reports of torture, arbitrary detention, and unfair trials highlight the methods employed by security forces to suppress critics.

Human rights organizations continue to document the abuses, underscoring the government's ongoing crackdown on freedom of expression, assembly, and belief. Despite international condemnation, the Iranian government persists in these practices, creating an environment of fear and repression for its citizens.

The ultraconservative Jalili and the relatively moderate Pezeshkian frequently accused each other of lacking expertise, basic knowledge, and plans, and of making false promises.

At the start of the debate, Pezeshkian said, "Last night it seemed as though I disrespected the national hero Haj Qasem Soleimani. I consider him a symbol of national pride and a thorn in the side of our enemies, and if our youth follow his path, many of the country's problems can be solved."

During the debate on Monday night, Pezeshkian used a Persian expression to highlight Soleimani’s role in creating trouble for the United States in the region. However, this expression could easily be interpreted as belittling the IRGC operative.

Although the debate was supposed to focus on the economy, much of the discussion revolved around nuclear negotiations, the failure of the JCPOA, the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic, and negotiations with the West, with both candidates reiterating their previous positions.

In response to a question about why he opposed the Strategic Action Plan passed by the parliament in December 2020 to authorize more uranium enrichment, Pezeshkian said, "It's not true to say we don't accept the law. We said from the beginning we would follow the framework of the law and the policies of the Supreme Leader. So, there's no way we wouldn't implement the law."

Previously, key figures in Pezeshkian's campaign, including Mohammad Javad Zarif, had criticized the Strategic Action Plan and called Jalili "a source of sanctions." The law, enacted as President Joe Biden won the White House, was meant to harden Iran’s negotiating position before expected talks to revive the 2015 JCPOA nuclear agreement, which was abandoned by the Trump administration.

Pezeshkian added, "One of the issues with this law is that the US must fulfill all its commitments before we return to the JCPOA. We need to discuss with the parliament, the Supreme National Security Council, and other relevant bodies to find a common language to address this challenge."

Jalili responded, "The parliament passed a law, and it must be followed."

Ali Khamenei praised the law and warned that no one should deviate from it.

Jalili continued, "We fulfilled our obligations under the JCPOA. You should be demanding compliance from the other side, not pressuring the nation to make concessions. When the other side hasn't fulfilled their commitments, what concessions are you going to make? Tell the people."

Without mentioning Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's government or his own role, Jalili said, "You talk about honesty. The governments of Hashemi, Khatami, and Rouhani, which included your friends, have been in power, and you're still demanding more. You've been in power for 40 years."

The fundamentalist Jalili is the main figure in an ultraconservative political faction that believes most other politicians loyal to the Islamic Republic and Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei are weak in their religious zeal and commitment to a more extremist version of the Islamist vision. Jalili and his allies were staunch supporters of former President Ebrahim Raisi and his “revolutionary” administration.

Pezeshkian replied, "You claim to have achieved results, so where are they? Didn't you promise to double employment and build a million homes a year? In these three years, you've only issued permits for 900,000 homes."

He added, "You say you have plans; why didn't you give them to Mr. Raisi to implement? Weren't you part of his team?"

Pezeshkian pointed to Jalili and said, "This person's entire experience is being the head of the National Security Council and reviewing some papers. Someone who hasn't managed anything now claims to have a plan for the country."

Referring to the significant boycott of the first round of elections, Pezeshkian said, "Despite all our campaigning, only 40% of the people participated. 60% did not, rejecting all of us. If this mindset prevails, turnout will drop to 20%. Can you govern the majority with just 20%?"

He concluded, "The 60% boycott in the first round sends a message to the government. I've heard and continue to hear this voice of doubt, dissatisfaction, and disillusionment."

During the debate, Saeed Jalili accused Pezeshkian of lacking basic knowledge, even in healthcare, despite being a physician. "It's good that Mr. Pezeshkian recites Quranic verses and hadiths, blessing our session. But these hadiths should be put into practice."

He added, "Mr. Pezeshkian, you lack knowledge on many topics and even basic information on some. Yet you want to become president."

Jalili concluded, "Already, they're shouting against me because they know I'll address their corruption in state-owned companies. I need the people's support to tackle these issues. Those who belittle Iran's capabilities continue to undermine our potential."

“This act is a clear sign of the public's dissatisfaction with the current state of affairs and indicates the majority's discontent with the ruling system,” said Khatami. “The dissatisfaction is not limited to those who abstained from voting; many of those who did participate are also dissatisfied and voted in the hope of change."

Khatami stressed the importance of everyone participating in the second stage of the elections on July 5 to “complete the unfinished task.” He warned that abstaining could lead to the victory of an "approach harmful to the nation.”

The formerly popular reformist president announced his intention to vote for Masoud Pezeshkian, the sole reform-leaning candidate, and urged others to do the same.

The June 28 presidential election witnessed a historically low voter turnout in the Islamic Republic's history, with only a 39.92 percent participation. This broke the previous record set during the last election, when the late President Ebrahim Raisi won with a 48 percent turnout, providing a clear indication of the current political climate.

A runoff election will be held on Friday, with hardliner Saeed Jalili competing against Masoud Pezeshkian.

Khatami's call for participation in the election comes after he, for the first time in his political career, refrained from voting in the March parliamentary election, despite Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei's repeated assertions that voting is a religious duty. Previously, Khatami acknowledged that "people had the right to be disillusioned with reformists just as they are with the ruling system." This time, however, he is urging people to vote.

There is a notable difference in the current election compared to the parliamentary elections. Reformist parties and groups, such as the Etehad-e Mellat (Nation’s Unity) party, who were previously denied the opportunity to field any candidates, have now endorsed Pezeshkian. They engaged in an intensive campaign to convince voters to take part and elect Pezeshkian. Nevertheless, despite their campaign and repeated calls by Khamenei, at least 60% refused to vote according to official figures. Many Iranian on social media express doubt even about the 40% turnout, insisting that the government boosted the numbers to push the final tally to 24.5 million votes out of 61.5 million eligible.

The results showed that reformists and even the once popular Khatami have lost the trust of the majority.

The erosion of trust in reformists is evident in the public's perception of the ruling establishment, now viewed as a consolidated power structure led by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), effectively marginalizing the president's authority.

This perspective is mirrored by the reform-leaning candidate, who has consistently acknowledged during debates that Khamenei is the ultimate decision-maker and pledged his adherence to the Leader's directives.

In the latest debate on Monday, Pezeshkian critiqued Jalili for attributing decisions to himself that were, in reality, Khamenei’s. “The final decision is made by the Leader. Don't say that something was done because I was in charge—no. If Mr. Khamenei doesn't like it and doesn't see it as appropriate, he won't allow it to happen,” Pezeshkian asserted, a stance that in theory, appears even more hardline than Jalili's.

It is worth noting that not all reformists continue to believe in “improving” the system. Key marginalized figures within the reform faction have also boycotted the election. Mirhossein Mousavi and Zahra Rahnavard, both under house arrest since 2011, abstained from voting in the presidential elections. Some imprisoned reformists such as Mostafa Tajzadeh also called for a boycott.