Australia Sanctions Iran’s 'Morality Police', Basij Forces
The Australian government has imposed sanctions on several Iranian government entities for human rights violations and abuses.
The Australian government has imposed sanctions on several Iranian government entities for human rights violations and abuses.
In Saturday, foreign affairs minister Penny Wong, announced that Australia has imposed sanctions against Iran’s morality police and Basij Militia Force as well as six individuals amid the crackdown on protesters following the death of Mahsa Amini and the continued repressive policies against the people of Iran.
The individuals named in the Australian designation include Hossein Ashtari, Commander-in-chief of Law Enforcement Force of Islamic Republic, and Gholamreza Soleimani, the head of the IRGC’ Basij force.
Antigovernment demonstrations have been taking place in most cities and towns since Mahsa Amini's death in police custody on September 16. Despite the widespread suppression of protesters, the Islamic Republic has not been able to quell the unrest.
Australia has also sanctioned three Iranian individuals and a business that have been involved with supplying drones to Russia to use in its war on Ukraine.
“Russia is using Iranian-made drones to target civilians and critical infrastructure, with the intention of denying Ukrainian people energy, heating and water as they face freezing winter temperatures,” Wong said.
“The supply of drones to Russia is evidence of the role Iran plays in destabilizing global security. This listing highlights that those who provide material support to Russia will face consequences,” reads the statement.
The sweeping demand of the protesters for regime change and open disdain expressed for the Islamic Republic’s leaders, has emboldened even local commentators to express opinions that three months ago would have been a taboo in the government-controlled newspapers and websites.
What the media are hesitant to touch, is where the movement is heading mainly due to the invisible nature of its leadership.
The main question, as the latest report on Rouydad24 website in Tehran pointed out is "what is it that the new generation of protesters are hoping to achieve beyond what older protesters demanded in previous years? What is the outlook of this movement and in what ways it is different from other protests?"
One of the main characteristics of this round of protests is that Iran has entered an episode of continuous protests that has for the first time forced the Islamic Republic government to go on the defensive against the nation's anger.
It seems that women's latent dissatisfaction over their status as second grade citizens the government thinks they are, has turned them into a mighty force that has already achieved some irreversible successes. Women have shown they can stand up to the clerical regime, discard the hijab despite existing laws and demand much more. They have shattered the myth of an all-powerful untouchable regime.
Rouydad24 noted that a majority of the Iranian protesters are in their twenties and all they have known has been high inflation, devaluation of the Iranian currency, the fading away of a prospect for life including dreams to get married, buying a house and a car; the three symbols of success in Iran.
The Iranian uprising enjoys more international support by foreign governments and organizations than past protests did. Millions of Iranian expats in Europe, America and Australia are also passionately supporting the movement. At the same time, there is no indication that the regime has done anything to address widespread dissatisfaction, the website said. The government has tried to scare people of the danger of Iran's disintegration. Iranians do not believe in that, nor they have shown any separatist tendencies.
The regime has even accused striking shopkeepers in Esfahan, in central Iran of separatism. Witty Esfahanis joked that their city is hundreds of miles from any borders. There is no way for it to be separated from Iran unless they dig a hole and go to the other side of the planet! Many Iranians liked Omid Shokoohi’s tweet who wrote: "I have frequently travelled in and around Iran from border areas to the central desert. And I have not seen even one separatist. Separatism is excuse the government uses to suppress dissent."
The government's usual and probably favorite choice of a solution for any kind of protest or peaceful gathering is shooting at protesters. However, regardless of the violence, the protesters have not given up. They have remained in the streets for nearly three months now. This is one of the unique characteristics that makes this uprising different from all previous protests in Iran.
Some protesters understandably have a bit of a concern about the future. Nonetheless, they understand that as the movement's leadership is invisible for security reasons. In other words, the secrecy about the movement's leadership prevents it from being beheaded.
An opinion poll kept secret by the government has been disclosed by the Black Reward hackers. The poll's result show that at least 56 percent of Iranians believe that the protests will go on. They may not know exactly where the movement is headed. But they certainly know that first, they want to change this regime and second, they want to replace it with a secular democracy. In the meantime, there appears to be a consensus among protesters and Iranian as well as international observers that even so far, something essential has irreversibly changed in Iran.
He specifically raised the issue of death sentences against five protesters charged with the murder of a government security agent and said, “Where is it written in Sharia that for killing one Basij member five people should receive the death sentence, and in such a short time?”
Abdolhamid also criticized the December 8 execution of the first protester, Mohsen Shekari, saying that for wounding a government security agent and closing a street, he should not have been hanged. The Sunni cleric said that Sharia foresees many lesser punishments, even if a person is convicted of “fighting against God,” the charge made against Shekari.
Abdolhamid also said that government agents have killed many innocent people since September and there has been no accountability and no justice.
The Islamic Republic considers many acts of opposition or defiance against the regime as “Moharebeh”, an Islamic-Arabic term meaning war against God, with the maximum punishment of death, which the regime readily applies.
Abdolhamid had warned last week against issuing death sentences for protesters. Relations between Abdolhamid and the government became tense after security forces opened fire on demonstrators in Zahedan September 30, killing more than 80 people.
A secret file revealed by hackers in November showed that Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei ordered his security people not to arrest Abdolhamid but to disgrace him, after the Sunni cleric directly criticized the autocratic ruler. If true, this shows that Khamenei plays a major role in decisions that lead to violations of human rights and the operations of intelligence agencies against dissidents.
Abdolhamid defended his own record on the issue of freedom and equal rights for women, which critics have recently raised. He said that the Baluch populated region was a traditional area, where women did not historically enjoy much freedom, “But a lot of work has been done.”
Condemning excessive punishment and executions, Abdolhamid said, “Governments of the world should know that killing their own people is wrong.”
He maintained that Shekari’s execution was not right according to Quran and Sharia. “Executions in Iran had no precedent in Islam in any period. [Similar executions] did not take place during Prophet [Mohammed] or during the four senior Caliphs who succeeded him, including Imam Ali.”
In Islamic jurisprudence, the decisions and actions of Prophet Mohammed are taken as a guide in Sharia and judicial or political decisions. The Sunni cleric particularly mentioned the fourth Caliph Ali, because he is the most important source of emulation after the prophet.
Abdolhamid also criticized the regime’s foreign policy, saying its international conduct brough poverty and hunger to the nation. “The nuclear issue has gone on for so long and you were not able to solve it, which brought pressure on the people and led to their protests.”
A video posted on Twitter shows a few people quietly standing at his grave at Tehran’s Behesht Zahra Cemetery. Shekari, 23, was hanged Thursday morning after a hasty and unfair trial, which has sparked deep anger among Iranians.
Many believe he was hanged to instill fear among other protesters as his sentence for blocking a street and inflicting a minor injury on a paramilitary Basij member, was harsher than anyone could imagine.
Some people took to the street in his neighborhood Thursday evening and chanted “We will kill the one who killed our brother” and “Death to the Dictator.” People were indiscriminately tear-gassed and shot at with pellet guns whether they were on foot or in their cars, and even inside shopping arcades.
Anti-government protesters have planned further rallies on Saturday and Sunday in Iran and abroad in the memory of Shekari and other protesters killed by the security forces.
For the fear of funerary events turning into protests, authorities have “snatched” the bodies of several protesters from the morgue or hospital and buried them secretly in nearly three months since protests began following the death in custody of Mahsa Amini. In some cases, families have taken the bodies home for fear of being deprived of a proper burial at their preferred cemeteries.
In November, the mother of ten-year-old Kian Pirfalak who was shot by security forces in the family car in Izeh, a small city in Khuzestan Province, had to take her son’s body to a relative’s home from the hospital with the help of her relatives and cover it with ice until the next day when she could give him a proper burial. The event turned into a massive anti-government protest with the mother, Zaynab Molaei-Rad, making a fiery speech and accusing the Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei of being responsible for her son’s death.
For decades the Islamic Republic has “stolen bodies” or buried people in unknown graves to deny families a proper burial or conceal atrocities.
In 1988 in what came to be known as the massacre of political prisoners, thousands were tried summarily and executed within a few months. The bodies were buried in unmarked graves at Tehran’s Khavaran cemetery and elsewhere. Thousands of families are still searching for their loved ones’ graves including many minors.
The extent of “body snatching” has gone beyond those executed or killed in protests. In October, Sara Haghighatnejad had to go through massive paperwork to bring the body of her dissident journalist brother, Reza Haghighatnejad, home from Germany where he died of cancer only to see the body snatched by security forces at Shiraz Airport. The family were then left in the dark for four days before they found out the body had been secretly buried, not at their family cemetery in his hometown, but in a remote village in their absence.
